“MY WAR”
by
ROGER W. BURWELL
1st Lt. USAF Ret.
Navigator
532nd Sq. 381st Bomb Group (H)
8th Air Force
Copyright Roger W. Burwell 1990
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Grateful acknowledgment is
made to Jack S. Pry, for his help in clarifying the sequence of events
leading to our plane being shot down, and to Kenneth Miller, who was so
encouraging and helpful in editing the manuscript.
It has often been said that
ex-prisoners of war are not easy to live with so I must thank my wife,
Phyllis, for putting up with me for all these years.
PREFACE
This memoir was written so
that my children and grandchildren would have some idea of what war is
really like. I became concerned that World War II seems to be fading into
history and the Vietnam War now seems to have become the favorite subject
of fictionalized and "dramatized" war movie scenarios. Ridiculous "Rambo"
type movies and TV programs glorify violence and the use of tremendous
firepower. They seem to make it a great sport to kill people. However,
most of the TV soldiers must be very poorly trained in the use of weapons
as they seem to fire thousands of rounds and hurl many grenades without
hitting anyone. When they do hit someone, they usually do it very nicely
with little or no blood or guts being splattered. It is as if they are
enjoying playing games and, when the game is over, they can all get up
and go home just like the game of cowboys and Indians we used to play as
kids.
War is not all fun and games
and it has very little glory. It is a dirty, strenuous, dehumanizing experience
even for some of those not actually involved in combat. However, only those
who have actually experienced combat can truly know what it is like.
The following memoir was written
from some notes that I jotted down shortly after the war and from many
indelible memories.
When I undertook to write
these down as they happened, they jogged my memory of many other events
and of people and names that I had long ago let slip from my conscious
memory. In writing about some of the events, I found that I ended up almost
reliving them and it reactivated some of my old nightmares. It thus appears
that combat is permanently traumatizing.
"My War" was painful in many
ways. The events that I had to live through and the suffering that I had
to experience were probably more difficult than those that many other people
lived through. However, on the other hand, I could never really begin to
feel sorry for myself as I could always look around and see many others
who had a tougher time than I did.
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MY WAR
PART 1
FLYING HIGH
As Captain Joe Alexander, a
pilot in the 532nd Squadron of the 381st Bomb Group, once said when getting
back to the base one morning after a long night in Ridgewell, "War would
be a hell of a great time, if no one got hurt."
He chuckled as he made that
statement, so I asked him what he was chuckling about. He proceeded to
tell me the following story. It seems that he had met an English girl in
the King's Head Pub in Ridgewell, the first time that he went to town.
After drinking with her for several hours, she invited him to go home with
her. When they arrived at her house, he found that she was living with
her parents, so he was hesitant when she invited him to spend the night
in her bedroom. However, she assured him that her father would not have
any objection. The next morning, when he got up, he found that the girl's
mother had breakfast ready and he was invited to eat with the family. The
parents were very pleasant and told him that he would always be welcome
in their home.
For several weekends, he went
through the same routine with the English girl until the night before he
told me the story. He said that on that night, when they got to her house,
they found a bottle of whiskey on the kitchen table so they killed the
bottle before going to bed.
The next morning when they
came down to breakfast, he noticed that the girl's father seemed to be
quite unhappy and did not want to talk. Hesitantly, Joe asked him if something
was wrong. He finally replied, "You know captain, I don't mind ye screwing
me daughter but don't drink all me whiskey up!"
Every individual has his or
her own view of war depending on where they were and how they were personally
affected. To me, combat was a long, rapidly moving nightmare you conditioned
yourself to endure. It was like being on a grotesque merry-go-round over
which you had no control and no way of getting off safely. The last time
that I saw Joe Alexander, his plane was going down in flames above Hamburg,
Germany.
My World War II experience
really started when I became a "replacement" in a "replacement crew." I
had started my B-17 training in a crew piloted by Lieutenant Malcolm Westbrook,
with a group of crews organized into the Saunders Provisional Group. We
were training to replace some of the first crews in the 8th Air Force which
were shot down.
We had finished our training
at Walla Walla, Washington and were about to go to Grand Island, Nebraska
to pick up new planes to fly to England when Lieutenant Westbrook was hospitalized
with circulation problems in his leg. We were then told that the crew would
be broken up to provide replacements to crews that had personnel problems.
I was assigned as the replacement
navigator on Flight Officer Jack Pry's crew. When I first met Pry, he told
me that he got rid of his former navigator because he wasn't good enough.
He then asked me if I was any good - I could see right then that I'd be
on trial. I told him that I had graduated in the top of my navigation school
class, had been offered a choice of being an instructor at a new navigation
school in Austin, Texas or go into combat and that I was sure that I could
do the job for him. I later found out that he had started in the Army Air
Corps as a flying Sergeant and was then given a warrant as a flight officer.
As most of the other pilots were Lieutenants, he made every effort to show
that he and his crew were better than the others. Two days after we met,
we left for Grand Island by train. Our first flight together was to Salina,
Kansas to pick up some parts in our new B-17 that we would be flying overseas.
The flight to Salina was uneventful
and we hit the airport right on schedule, even though most of the flight
was in cloudy weather. I later discovered that Jack was an excellent pilotage
navigator and had tracked me all the way. I guessed that he was satisfied
with my navigation as he said nothing to me. We spent the next several
weeks equipping our new plane for combat, loading supplies to take to England
and making some short check flights.
We finally took off for Presque
Isle, Maine, and wouldn't you know it, we were socked in solid with a thick
cloud layer and had to fly through a front. The cloud cover broke just
as we were approaching the airport. Again, my dead reckoning navigation
got us there right on course but we were two minutes early after crossing
the front and picking up a tail wind. Again Jack had nothing to say.
After a few days, we were
told we were to leave for England via Gander, Newfoundland. We took off
in clear weather but by the time we hit Prince Edward Island, we encountered
a solid cloud layer at low level below us and could no longer see the ground.
When we reached my estimated time of arrival for Gander, I called Jack
and told him he could circle and start his let down. His only comment was,
"Are you sure?" I gave him an equally short answer, "Affirmative." We finally
broke through the clouds with a very low ceiling and could see the airport
through the rain, about a mile off our port wing. Again, Jack made no comment
so I figured that I was meeting his anticipated navigational requirements.
We waited for a number of
days at Gander for the weather to break but it rained every day. Finally,
the meteorologist said the weather was as good as it would get and we'd
have to fly through a big front with high winds. We were supposed to hit
good weather off Iceland and then have clear weather for the rest of the
trip to Prestwick, Scotland.
We took off in a rain squall and were soon into
the storm front. It was very bumpy with strong winds and I knew we could
easily be blown off course. I hoped to get a good course correction with
a celestial fix after we cleared the front. We did pass the major storm
front at about mid ocean. However, we were still in heavy cloud cover with
only an occasional star shining through. We then hit another storm front
with turbulence and I started to worry whether I would be able to do any
celestial navigation before dawn. I knew by now that we were probably quite
a bit off course due to the high winds that were shifting directions.
As the sky was starting to
lighten up, there were occasional breaks in the overcast and I could finally
see some stars. I found three stars that I could take a fix on and felt
I could make the difficult determination as to their identity. Just as
I finished shooting the stars with my octant, the cloud cover closed in
and I never saw another star.
When I computed the fix. I
found that the shifting winds had blown us more than 100 miles south of
our course and we were headed for the Cherbourg Peninsula in occupied France.
As the Germans were jamming radio beacons and sending out false signals,
I couldn't do a Radio Beam fix as a check. I thought to myself, "Now is
the time I'll really find out if Jack Pry trusts my navigation." I hit
the intercom button and said, “We are now 100 miles south of course and
will have to make a course change 30 degrees left if we are to hit our
checkpoint at Ballymorn, Ireland." Then there was a long silence, and finally
a question, "Are you sure?"
I told him that we had passed
through two storm fronts with switching wind directions and that I felt
that I had a good three star fix. Again, there was a silence on the intercom.
Finally, I heard "O.K., we are changing heading." I knew then that I had
passed Jack Pry's final test. I replied, “I'm glad we are turning, as I
really didn't want to be a guest of the Germans in France.” Then I gave
him an ETA for Ballymorn.
The weather cleared above
us as dawn approached, but there was a solid cloud layer below us. As we
neared the west coast of Ireland, there were a few breaks in the clouds
and for one short instance the rocky shoreline was visible. The crew got
on the intercom and commented on how glad they were to see land.
Ted Snyder, the bombardier,
had slept most of the way across the Atlantic after we hit the storm. Cece
Quinley, our copilot, thought he'd pull a joke on Snyder so he hollered
over the intercom for Snyder to wake up. Ted about went berserk, when Cece
told him that we had just crossed the coast of North Africa after being
blown off course. We later found out that Ted's parents had some friends
in England and that Ted was already lined up with a date with their daughter.
The thought of being stuck in North Africa just about killed him.
As we hit my ETA for Ballymorn,
we could see houses and the greenest grass I ever saw through the break
in the clouds. I was surprised to find that I was only one minute late
for my ETA, so it must have been one hell of a good three star fix. I then
gave Jack a change in heading and an ETA for Prestwick as the cloud layer
again closed back in.
Jack started his letdown,
so we could clear the cloud layer below us before we crossed the Irish
Sea. As we broke through the cloud layer, I could see that we were only
about 1,000 feet above the water. Directly ahead of us was a cruiser or
destroyer coming right at us and blinking rapid code signals. I hurriedly
grabbed our Aldis lamp and blinked back the code of the day. I must have
gotten the signal right and it must have been a British ship, as they didn't
shoot at us.
The ceiling was very low and
kept dropping as we neared the coast of Scotland. Since we were low on
fuel, Jack landed at the first airport we saw. It turned out to be an RAF
fighter field, with a shorter runway than the main airport a few miles
away. We used up all of the runway and it would be an understatement to
say that the RAF personnel were amazed to see a B-17 land on a short air
strip built for Beau-fighters. Two RAF vehicles met us and directed us
to a hardstand and Jack then directed our tail gunner, Ted Brandt, to stay
and guard the plane.
The RAF people took us to
Base Operations and while they talked with Jack about fueling and clearances
to take off for Bovington, England near London, the rest of us were offered
coffee by some ladies from the Society of St. John. The coffee proved to
be the most awful I had ever tasted but I managed to gulp it down. When
they wanted to refill my cup, I asked if I could have tea instead. They
said "Oh yes, but we thought you Yanks like coffee." The tea looked like
it had boiled until it was real black and actually proved to taste more
like coffee than their coffee did. It was strong enough to float a spoon
in.
Jack sent me and the rest
of the crew back to the plane to get ready for takeoff and to check on
Tex. When we got to the plane, Tex was nowhere in sight. I asked an RAF
airman on an adjacent hardstand if he had seen Tex and he told me that
he had seen him walking down a trail behind the hardstand that went to
a local village.
I left the crew at the plane
and started down the trail. I had only gone about 100 yards when I came
to a curve in the trail. I stopped when I heard a low moan coming from
around the curve. As I peered through the trees and brush, I saw a bunch
of red fur and thought that perhaps a local villager had trapped a fox.
However, as I walked around the curve, I discovered that the fur turned
out to be a redheaded Scottish girl laying on the side of the trail with
Tex on top of her. Tex heard my footsteps and looked up with a smile on
his face and said, "I'll be with you in a minute, sir." I turned and started
back up the trail thinking to myself, "Tex must have set an all time record
in what he had managed to accomplish in less than an hour after setting
foot in a foreign country.
Our flight to Bovington was
uneventful and we delivered the plane to the authorities, but on our way
South, I noticed that the whole countryside seemed to be dotted with air
bases. I thought then that it sure must be tough to find your own air base
when the weather was bad. We waited for several days for an assignment
to a group. While waiting there, we asked some base personnel how heavy
the losses were on missions. We were told that there were about 25 percent
losses in aircraft on the last two missions. Right then and there, I computed
that with 25 missions to fly to complete a tour of duty, and 25 percent
losses per mission, it would just about be impossible to avoid being shot
down. From then on, I became pretty fatalistic that it was only a question
of time before -we would be shot down. I later found out that most of the
rest of the 8th Air Force flying personnel felt the same way. We finally
got word that we were being assigned to the 532nd Squadron of the 381st
Bomb Group at Ridgewell in East Anglia. It was about 20 miles southeast
of Cambridge and 50 miles from London. We were told that we had lucked-out
as it was the closest combat base to London.
When we arrived at the base,
we found that the group had only been flying missions since June 22nd,
and that the 532nd Squadron had lost their first plane on that mission.
We were the first replacement crew for the squadron. The four officers
in our crew were assigned to a "Nissen Hut" - the earlier British version
of a Quonset hut - that was also occupied by Lt. Baltrusaitus' crew. The
enlisted men were housed in another housing area. "Baldy" was a real nice
guy and proved to be a good roommate. However, the crew navigator, Martin
Honke, was a real loner, and didn't even associate with his own crew. The
copilot, Art Sample, was a real southerner from Hattiesburg, Mississippi
and I really hit it off with him and we became the best of friends. My
combat career was now really about to begin.
We had arrived on base about
the first week of July and spent some time checking out our newly assigned
plane and equipment. We flew some test flights and some practice formation
flights during which time I became familiar with the location of the base
and the countryside. I also managed to sit in on navigation briefings for
several missions to get an idea of what I'd be facing. I was up at base
operations when a plane named "Old Coffin" came back with a dead navigator,
who had bled to death from a flak wound in the groin. I later found out
that since the Germans had changed their strategy to making frontal fighter
attacks, that the navigators experienced the highest casualty rate.
During this time, I also managed
to find time to get to know the officers on my crew better. Cecil Quinley,
the copilot, was older than the rest of us. He was very pleasant, but rather
quiet, and didn't socialize at the Officers Club very often. Ted Snyder,
our bombardier, on the other hand, was a real "Hollywood type," which is
understandable as he was raised in North Hollywood. His father was a big
wheel in the film industry and was also well known as the songwriter who
wrote such songs as "The Sheik of Araby" and "Who's Sorry Now."
I found out later that Ted
was a good Catholic and hung his rosary beads over his bombsight. On almost
every mission, he would grab his rosary beads and start saying Hail Marys
when the first enemy fighters made a pass at us. Then I'd kick him in the
butt and he'd drop his beads and start shooting. It was sort of a ritual.
He was a damned good bombardier and we had a good working relationship.
We became pretty good friends as time went by.
Jack Pry was probably the
best pilot in the squadron, if not in the entire group, because he was
a perfectionist. He loved to fly and practiced whenever he could. He had
a concern for his crew because he wanted them to be the best. He was pretty
much a loner and was usually all business. On occasion, we could get him
to loosen up and socialize at the club and he would occasionally get in
the poker games.
All in all, for four people with very diverse
backgrounds and very different personalities, we managed to develop a good
working relationship and got along surprisingly well under very trying
circumstances.
Our first mission was Hanover, Germany. Even
though we had a few flak holes and the group was under fighter attack most
of the time over the continent we didn't lose any planes. However, I did
find out that between trying to navigate on a miniscule desk to keep track
of our location and at the same time man a machine gun on each side of
the nose of the plane, was like a one-armed paperhanger trying to eat his
sandwich while at the same time trying to paper a wall. I was so damned
busy that I didn't have time to think about anything else. I didn't even
have time to get scared. It wasn't until after we got back out over the
Channel and met the Spitfires that I had time to feel totally exhausted,
shaking and scared. I later found that this was to be the pattern for all
missions for me as well as for other navigators that I talked with. Actually
this may have been the best way to fly combat. I always wondered how Cecil
and the other copilots could stand sitting there doing very little except
watching the German fighters attacking us. It's a wonder that they all
didn't go "flak happy."
I don't actually remember
much about our next missions, except for the mission to Kiel, Germany,
as they seemed to be scheduled so frequently. The raid to Kiel was an unscheduled
one. I understand that the RAF recon planes had spotted the battleship
Tirpitz steaming toward the Kiel Navy Yard in the Baltic Sea, so a mission
was hurriedly planned to catch the ship while it was tied up at the dock.
The group had been beaten up for several missions
and we had few planes or crews in flying condition. Even though we had
flown a mission the day before (my birthday), they grabbed me to fill in
as navigator on a crew from the 535th Squadron that had a flyable plane
but had the navigator in the hospital. I think we got only six planes off
from our group and we joined a squadron from the 91st Group to make up
a shorthanded group. I later heard that the whole 8th Air Force could only
put up 90 B-17s.
After we left the RAF Spitfires
a short distance out of the "Wash," we were on our own flying over the
North Sea. As we neared Helgoland, an island base off the coast of Germany,
German fighters jumped us and we were under a fighter attack all the way
across Denmark and then to the shipyard target. We dropped our bombs in
the navy yard and I could see them hitting the docks and ships; but I doubt
if our bombs had any more effect on the battleship than number eight dove
shot would have if it was used in a shotgun to shoot a goose. We had been
hit by flak before we dropped our bombs and lost number two engine. However,
the pilot managed to feather the engine so we could stay in formation as
the fighters hit us on the way out from the target area.
The fighters stayed with us
out over the North Sea and finally hit our number four engine. The pilot
feathered it but we could no longer stay in formation. He dived for the
sea with the fighters trying to get on our tail. He "redlined" the airspeed
indicator and pulled out of the dive just a few hundred feet above the
water. Just as it looked like the fighters would get us, they turned back
toward land. They must have reached their fuel limit on getting back to
Helgoland Island.
We hopped waves and made it
back to an RAF base near the "Wash." After making emergency repairs to
the engine oil lines, we took off and landed back at Ridgewell. The crew
chief told me the plane had 27 flak holes and seven 20 mm holes. It was
the only time that I ever flew with another crew. I don't even remember
the name of the pilot but he did a hell of a job.
I did get a chance to rest
for a while and I finally got to know some of the enlisted men better.
One day I walked up behind Russell Frautschi, our radioman, and I heard
him muttering dit dot, dit dot dit, etc. as he walked along. I thought
to myself, "My God, I know that some people talk to themselves, but I just
can't believe that someone would talk to himself in Morse code.” He turned
out to be a real good guy. I probably got to know Ed LaPointe, the flight
engineer, the best as he was up front in the top turret and spent more
time with the officers. I found out that Tex Brandt, our tail gunner, who
was much bigger than Ed, enjoyed picking on Lapointe. One day I had to
step in and stop a fight between them by offering to go behind the hangar
and have him try to take me on. After that, Ed and I were good friends
but Tex avoided me from that time on.
Like most everyone on base,
I bought a bicycle so that I could pedal down to the club, which was too
far to walk to from our "Nissen Hut" site. On occasion, I would bike into
the pub in Ashen, or to the King's Head pub in Ridgewell. I remember that
after one mission, I was cleaning my machine guns - which we officers had
to do for ourselves - and Al Johnson and Carl Baird asked me if I wanted
to go to the pub in Ashen for a beer. I told them I'd meet them later on
after I cleaned up.
I was late getting away and
by the time I got to the pub, I found that an MP was hitting some of the
enlisted personnel with his billy club. Just then, he hit Al Johnson on
the head and I stepped up behind the MP and told him to stop. He turned
around and swung at me and I ducked. He then saw that I was an officer
and he told me to stay out of it as he was trying to control a drunken
disturbance and went back to swinging his club. I went to a phone and called
the O.D. on base. He and the captain of the MP's arrived and I preferred
charges against the MP for trying to hit an officer.
After they took the MP away,
Al and the other flight personnel told me that the MP sergeant had a habit
of antagonizing them and using his club on them when they were only getting
a bit noisy while drinking to relieve their tension after a mission. The
MP was transferred from the base and after that I was sort of a hero to
some of our enlisted flying personnel. It was the only time in my military
career that I ever "pulled rank." I never really
got to know Smith, the turret gunner. He was very quiet and truly shy.
It was very hard to develop
any real friendships as we had such a turnover in personnel. You would
see a replacement crew come on base and they might get shot down on their
first or second mission. It was easier not to make many friends and then
you wouldn't have to feel bad when they got shot down. We had such great
losses in flight crews, that toward the end of my time on base, there were
only a few old time crews left. As I mentioned earlier, Art Sample became
my only real close friend. We drank together at the Officers' Club and
went on passes to London or Cambridge together whenever we could and played
a lot of poker with the other officers in the club or in the "Nissen Huts."
I got quite good at poker and as my winnings added up, I managed to keep
a nest egg of 200 pounds (that's $805 in American money, which was a lot
of money in those days), and at the same time had plenty of money to spend
on my recreational endeavors in town with Art.
Art was a tall good-looking
guy with a real southern accent. Many of the nurses took after him when
they came to our club from a nearby hospital. But the night that I remember
best was the night a bunch of WAFs and some of their senior officers came
over for a night of entertainment at our Officers' Club. One of the WAF
Lieutenants kept trying to monopolize Art and kept cutting in on him when
he was trying to dance with other WAFs. Finally, just as the music stopped
and there was a lull in the conversation before the next piece started,
Art's voice was clearly heard all over the club, as he shouted, "Damn it
woman, leave me alone, or I'll turn you over my knee and paddle your fanny."
The music didn't start up
again and all of the RAF people stood paralyzed and red-faced in embarrassment.
Joe Nazarro, our colonel, went over to the RAF group captain and asked
him what was wrong. The group captain stammered, "My God, what that officer
said!" Joe replied, "Well, it wasn't too polite, but it wasn't really too
bad!" Finally the group captain asked, "What is a fanny over in the states?"
Joe replied, "Well it's your backside!" The group captain then smiled and
said, "Oh, but over here, it's the other side, you know!" The whole room
roared and the embarrassment was forgotten. However, Art's reputation was
established.
After the Kiel mission, I
couldn't keep track of the missions as they seemed to come up so fast.
The next mission that I really remember well was the infamous Schweinfurt
mission - the one dramatized in the movie, "Twelve O'clock High." Actually,
the mission was originally planned for Aug. 10. We got up at 4 a.m. for
the briefing but the flight kept being delayed because of the lousy weather.
After waiting many hours, the mission was finally scrubbed.
We flew a mission to Paris
on the 16th and as good weather was reported over southern Germany for
the next day, we were awakened at about 4 a.m. on the 17th. The Schweinfurt
mission was on again. Supposedly, it was planned to be the mission that
would be "the start of the end of the war." We were to knock out most of
the German ball bearing factories, which all happened to be in Schweinfurt
and thereby cripple aircraft and vehicle production. Unfortunately, with
their excellent espionage system, the Germans knew we were coming by then
and pulled most of their fighter aircraft over to airfields along our route
into the target area. Also, unfortunately, it was a hell of along way into
southern Germany - further than we had ever flown before and we had no
fighter escort.
We did have Spitfire escort
to about mid-channel, but when they turned back, we were on our own. The
German fighters hit us before we got to the Belgian shore. We were under
constant fighter attack all the way to the target. No one had ever seen
so many fighters. They came in at us in waves of 10-20 planes, slowing
rolling and spraying 20 mm shells as they flew right through our formation.
Both B-17's and fighters were going down all over the sky. Our only relief
was when we got to the target area.
It was a real relief to enter
the heavy flak area over Schweinfurt, as the fighters all left us to go
down and gas up and fly to an airfield along our route out so that they
could hit us again. We hit the target and destroyed part of the industrial
complex. Our intelligence officer later told us that the Germans had all
the women and kids in the city picking up ball bearings the day after the
mission.
We got a bunch of small flak
holes over the target and as we headed west, we were again hit by a massive
fighter attack. As we were bucking a strong headwind, we crawled back at
about one half the ground speed that we made on the way in. After almost
four hours of constant fighter attack, except for the time over the target,
we finally made it to the channel. Our group had taken a beating. We lost
10 crews and one plane that ditched before we got back to Ridgewell. The
brass from the First Air Division and 8th Air Force Headquarters were at
the base operations when we got back and they sat in on our debriefing.
I remember that when we told them that the other groups' losses were about
as bad as ours, they told us that the mission had been designed to give
Germany a fatal blow and if necessary they were prepared to sacrifice any
number of planes. In fact they said that they didn't think we'd bring back
as many planes as we did. The whole 8th Air Force had taken the greatest
loss of planes on a mission that they would for some time to come.
Later that night, when we
were all drinking at the club and feeling pretty bad about all of the old
crews that went down that day. Joe Nazzaro came in and sat down at the
bar next to Art Sample. With tears in his eyes. Joe said, "My God, we lost
just about the whole group!" Art leaned over and put his hand on Joe's
shoulder and said, "That's O.K., we know how you feel!" Joe then sighed
and said, "It's terrible, now I am going to have to rebuild the group!"
Art got so mad, I had to drag him away from the bar before he hit Joe.
After I got Art away from
the bar, he said, "I ought to kill the son of a bitch!" "He doesn't give
a damn about the guys we lost, thinking about the work it will take him
to rebuild the group!” Art, like most of the officers on the flight crews,
never did like Col. Joe Nazarro. He called him a genuine "Chicken Colonel."
Joe flew five "milk runs" so he could get an air medal for flying five
missions. After that, he had Lt. Col. Conway Hall and the squadron C.O.’s
lead all of the missions. As a result, we lost all of the original squadron
C.O.'s except Major Kunkel and also lost the replacement C.O.'s.
Needless to say, almost all of our flight crew
personnel got “bombed out” that night. Come to think of it, most of us
did a hell drinking almost every night. It was about the only way to relax
your nervous system and be able to maintain your sanity. If you drank enough,
you didn't have to think about the possibility that mission might be your
last. If the American public ever knew that were flying hung-over or still
slightly drunk, they would flipped. Luckily, we found out that if you breathed
pure oxygen for a while after you got on board the plane, it would cure
your hangover in a hurry. If you weren't quite sobered up when the enemy
fighters showed up, you would sober up immediately after they made their
first pass at you. (Note: the title, Flying High, not only relates fact
that we usually flew at 24,000-27,000 thousand feet, fact that we may not
have taken off entirely sober).
A couple of days after the
Schweinfurt mission, I was called into group operations. I was told that
as part of the group rebuilding process, they were picking the best remaining
pilots and the best navigators to fly lead planes. As they felt that Jack
Pry was a top pilot, they were giving him his commission as a first lieutenant
making his crew the "A" Flight lead plane. They then told me that I was
to be a lead navigator and that they were sending me to an RAF school for
special training and that after I returned to our base, I’d be expected
to train some other lead navigators and break in replacement navigators.
I was sent to an installation
on the edge of Bovington Air Base near London. When I arrived along with
six navigators from other groups we were welcomed to the RAF Radar School.
We were told that "radar" was highly classified and that we were to never
to use the word, but were to refer to the equipment by code names such
as "Mickey" or "Gee." The RAF was giving the 8th Air Force equipment for
a number of lead planes in each group and we were the nucleus of navigators
who would train others.
After long hours of schoolroom
time and some practicing in the air, we finally approached graduation time.
We found that our RAF instructors loved to play poker, even though they
were lousy players, and since we couldn't leave the base at night, we had
a game going every night. I soon had winnings of over 100 pounds, as various
RAF officers sat in and lost their money. A navigator from the 91st Group
and I ended up with pretty big bankrolls.
One day, our head instructor
said, "You are lucky, you are going to meet Sir Watson Watt on Thursday."
Our immediate question was, "Who in hell is Sir Watson Watt?" We were then
told that because of tight security, it was not known but he was in fact
the inventor of radar. We were told the secret of the famous commando raid
at Dieppe, France. It seems that the French underground reported that the
Germans were building a secret facility at Dieppe and low level RAF aerial
photos indicated that it could be some type of radar station.
It was decided that a commando
raid would be made to capture the facility and remove any radar type equipment
and bring it back to England. Unfortunately, no one knew what to look for
in the building complex as it might look like other radio gear. Sir Watson
Watt volunteered to go and supervise the dismantling of the equipment.
The RAF brass flipped their lids at the thought that Watt could be captured
in the raid. A compromise plan was then agreed upon. Sir Watson Watt was
to be guarded by two very big Canadian commandos, who had strict orders
to shoot him if there was the slightest chance he would be captured.
Watt returned from Dieppe
with the Germans' equipment. However they lost many commandos there. We
all thought that Watt must be some real "macho" type and looked forward
to meeting him. He arrived in the classroom and proved to be a man of slight
build, wearing a black suit and tie and a "bowler" hat. He was a very mild-mannered
person and would have passed as an English clerk or bank employee. We were
amazed at the guts that the little old guy must have had.
We were told that we were
learning so fast we'd graduate a day early. As we all had a two-day pass
before going back to our bases, it meant that we'd be able to spend three
days in London. The navigator from the 91st Group and I decided that we
would bankroll a party in London with our poker winnings and invited the
three RAF instructors to join all seven of us if they would show us the
town.
When we got to London they
took us to the Russell Square Hotel and we got a suite of rooms for the
ten of us. As whiskey was rationed, we had to buy "black market," but one
of the RAF officers had a connection and we soon had quite a few cases
of Scotch whiskey, gin, Irish whiskey, and beer. We all went out to eat
in Oddinio's, a top London restaurant, and then came back to start the
party. The RAF types made a few phone calls and people started showing
up. What a party! It went on 24 hours a day for the three days, with WAFs
and other RAF types wandering in and out and with everyone periodically
catnapping or passing out.
The morning that we had to
leave, the three RAF officers were really hung over and we had to haul
them to Euston Station and put them on the train for Watford. One of them
asked, "How often do you bloody Yanks do this?" We told him we did it every
time we got to town and he said, "My God" and passed out. We called their
base and told the administrative officers to meet them at the station in
Watford. I ended up at my base with the biggest headache I have ever had.
Chaplain Brown, the group
chaplain for the entire war, wrote a book about the group after the war
was over. How he managed to compile so much information and make so few
mistakes in the book, I'll never know. However, a few errors did creep
in.
He wrote a section of the
book about me and Jack Pry. He mistakenly referred to us as being original
crew members of the group, rather than as the first replacement crew. In
the article, he stated that I was a great talker and I guess that I can't
argue with that too much. He also told how I gave him hell about not being
on the flight line when the crews were coming back from a mission that
day. He didn't tell the whole story.
As he said, we frequently
used to sit at the bar and talk a lot. That night he kept complaining that
there just were not many flight personnel attending chapel and he wondered
what good he was doing on the base. He was filling in his time on Sundays
by preaching at the local church in Ashen.
I told him that as far as
the flight personnel were concerned most of us were pretty fatalistic and
didn't care if he shut down the chapel. We felt that he had a more important
job to do. With Col. Joe Nazarro not seeming to care about his crews, what
they really appreciated was seeing the chaplain on the flight line "sweating
out" the crews’ coming back. I mentioned that just that day, some of the
guys asked "where's Brownie," when they didn't see him on the flight line.
He apologized for not being on the flight line, and said, "I really didn’t
know they cared that much and I'll promise never to miss another mission."
As far as I know he never did miss another mission for the duration of
the war.
Getting back to the war, I
soon began the damnedest month possible. Between flying practice missions,
I was training navigators or flying with Jack and the rest of my own crew
as he trained replacement pilots in formation flying. In all, I logged
over 90 hours of flying time. including missions. I can't remember any
of the missions except the Stuttgart mission, as they all seemed to run
together. It like I was on an endless belt, flying missions, and flying
training flights - and I just couldn't get off and I was about to go “flak
happy."
Stuttgart - I remember, because
it was the mission damned fool colonel from the Pentagon came over to ride
a copilot seat on a mission and get a silver star for "gallant leadership”
and a Distinguished Flying Cross. It seem that colonels stuck at a desk
job in the Pentagon were jealous of the medals that were being accumulated
by 8th Air Force colonels who were junior in grade. They would manage to
get a short detail in England to pick up some medals, and then get back
to their safe desk job. Once in a while one of them would have their luck
run out and they would be in a plane that got shot down.
We took off for Stuttgart
with an overload of incendiary magnesium bombs. When we got to Stuttgart,
it was socked in solid with a low cloud layer. Instead of going immediately
to a secondary target, the colonel wanted to be a hero, so he had us circle
Stuttgart several times looking for a hole in the clouds. Finally, he ordered
that we drop the bombs at random on any target.
The bombardiers toggled out
bombs over a wide area of southern Germany and France. We never knew where
the bombs landed, the French underground later reported that there were
fires burning in a 100 square mile area. The wide circling of Stuttgart
used up a lot of fuel, and as we approached Paris from the south on our
way back, Jack called on the intercom and told me that the red lights on
the gauges were on and he wanted an ETA for our base at Ridgewell. I asked
him how many minutes of fuel he had left and made some calculations. I
informed him that we could not get back to our base and worse yet, we might
not make it back to England. Our only possibility was an emergency metal-mat
landing strip on the sand at the tip of Dungeness Point on the channel.
As soon as we hit the channel,
Jack leaned the engines down as much as possible, and put the plane in
a long glide as I gave a heading for Dungeness Point. The crew prepared
to ditch, and threw what they could, to lighten the plane. I looked out
of the plane, and as far as I could see, there were a great number of planes
ahead of us and behind us, all making a straight line for Dungeness.
We came in very low, just over the water of the
channel, and made one straight shot at the temporary strip on the beach.
We used up all of the strip, and our engines started to "konk out" as we
pulled off in into the sand so that the plane behind us could land. Quite
a few planes landed behind us and we could see planes ditching just off
shore, out in the channel.
The only fuel available at
the strip was a big pile of five-gallon cans (the British called them "four
gallon tins" as they used imperial gallons). We had to form human chains
passing cans of gasoline up to the wings, so we could take on enough gasoline
to get to the nearest RAF base and yet be able to take off from the short
strip. We lost a bunch of planes that day but the crews were all rescued
by the air-sea rescue boats and we didn't lose any planes due to enemy
action. They were all lost due to the action of some dumb colonel who ran
us out of fuel.
I don't remember the next
missions we flew in September as they all fit the pattern of trying to
navigate and run two machine guns at the same time for hours on end. I
do know that I can't remember a single one of those missions when we didn't
come back with holes in the plane. Sometimes, it would take several days
to patch all of the holes. It finally got to be a real problem, when they
had to place patches on top of patches. We had so many patches, it was
causing enough drag to reduce our air speed.
The October Fourth mission
was to Frankfurt, Germany. Our squadron was to lead the group and the group
was to lead the 1st Air Division, so our squadron was to lead the whole
8th Air Force that day. Because we were flying Deputy Group Lead, we had
an officer from division flying the copilot's seat and we left Quinley
home.
We were on the route in and
had just passed Aachen, Germany when we lost oil pressure on one engine.
I guess the air division officer panicked as he ordered Jack to pull out
of formation and head back toward England. The first thing that I knew,
Jack had put the plane into an almost vertical dive after feathering the
engine. He was headed down for a low cloud layer with some fighters trying
to get on our tail. He called on the intercom for a heading back to our
base but I was pinned against the bulkhead and couldn't move. My immediate
thought was, "I guess we are going to buy the farm this time." After all,
it was the 16th mission for me and Jack and we had survived much longer
than most of the rest of the group. The airspeed indicator was "redlined."
and the whole plane was shaking and vibrating so much that the insulation
patches that were glued to the interior skin of the nose fuselage started
shaking loose and fine insulation particles were floating in the air.
As soon as we leveled out,
I took a quick "GEE" radar fix and gave Jack a heading. As we were a little
over a thousand feet off the deck, I knew that we would be vulnerable to
light flak guns in every town in Belgium even though we were in a solid
cloud cover. I told Jack to go ahead and fly evasive action as he saw fit
and that I would keep track of his position to make sure we didn't get
too much off course. I had a map showing all major flak installations and
the cities and towns with possible flak guns, and I'd keep giving Jack
changes in headings to avoid them.
Unfortunately there were unrecorded
flak guns along some of the railroad tracks. Periodically there would be
a few flak bursts in the clouds near us, and Jack would have to take quick
evasive action. We skirted every town in Belgium and finally cleared the
coast. I gave Jack a heading for Oxford Ness on the English coast east
of Ipswich. We broke out of the clouds just before we hit the coast and
I gave Jack a heading for home. Luckily, we made it back without a single
hole in the plane. Jack and I thought that the air division officer was
crazy for ordering us out of formation, as it was usually suicide.
The only things that we had going for us were
the solid cloud layer and the fact that I had the "GEE" radar which I could
use to take very quick fixes and make necessary heading changes. Even at
that it was very difficult to read the radar at that low level and extended
range away from England, and probably would have been impossible for a
newly trained operator to do.
Having survived so many missions
with near misses, I then decided that we had just about run out our string
of luck.
After a two-day pass, I got back to the base
- well hung over, just in time for our next mission on October 8th. It
was Bremen, not as far into Germany as Schweinfurt or Frankfurt, but very
heavily defended by 90 mm and 120 mm flak batteries. It was to be an all-out
effort with coordinated night bombing by the RAF.
We got rolled out of bed at
4 a.m. as usual for most missions. We were told that we were lucky, we
would have P-47 fighter cover all the way to the border between Holland
and Germany. This would be much further over the continent than the fighters
had gone before. That did make us feel good, until we heard that Bremen
had just about the greatest single flak installation in Germany.
Art Sample had been offered the choice of becoming
a pilot of a new crew, or staying on as copilot with Lt. Baltrusaitis.
Baldy tried to talk him out of leaving his crew, but Art decided he would
take a chance, and finally get to do some flying instead of mostly sitting.
This was to be his first mission with his own crew and he was to fly on
our right wing.
We made a typical rendezvous
with the 91st and 351st groups over Braintree, and after joining the other
wing of the 1st Air Division, we headed out over the channel at 27,000
feet with our Spitfire escort. The Spits dropped off and we picked up the
P-47 escort. They flew above us as we crossed the Dutch coast and crossed
over the middle of the Zuider Zee. They mixed it up with a bunch of FW
190's, and kept them away from us for a while. Finally, the P-47's left
us at the German border near Papenberg, and we were once again on our own,
headed toward our turning point near Rastede.
There were German planes coming
at us from all directions. There were the usual FW-190's and Me 109's but,
unbelievably, there were twin engine JU-88 dive-bombers and twin engine
Me 210's equipped with wing racks hanging off just out of our machine gun
range. We were getting heavy fighter attacks, and to my surprise, I saw
a JU-88 shoot a rocket toward us and watched it sail high over the plane.
It was the first time we had ever encountered dive-bombers and the first
time that we ever saw air to air rockets. We turned on the I.P. near Vegesack,
and headed south toward Bremen. As we turned, the JU-88's fell behind us.
The FW 190's and Me-109's
kept up the attack, until we hit the flak zone, and they peeled off to
wait for us to clear the target area. Just before Ted dropped his bombs,
and while I was looking out of the starboard window, we took a direct flak
hit on the number two engine behind me. Several pieces of flak came through
the nose and one piece lodged in my right wrist. I pulled it out and grabbed
the first aid kit and bandaged the wrist before we left the target area.
I noticed that one piece of flak had taken out our intercom and being up
in the nose, we could no longer hear what was going on in the rest of the
plane. Ted dropped the bombs and the formation turned to head back for
England.
The number two engine started
windmilling because Jack evidently couldn't feather it. Then we got hit
with another burst of flak above my port window and next to the cockpit.
I later learned that this was the flak that probably hit Cecil and cut
the hose on his oxygen mask. Since Jack couldn't keep up with the formation
with number two engine windmilling, he pulled out of formation. Art Sample's
plane had also taken some bad flak hits and he pulled out with us.
I later found out that Jack
had ordered the crew to bail out and that Cecil had bailed out of the bomb
bay but we could not hear the bailout order with the intercom shot out.
Then, the number two engine really wound up and parts were flying through
the nacelle. The windmilling prop made such a loud noise, it really hurt
my ears as the tip of the prop is only about three feet away from the navigator's
ear when the port machine gun is being manned. The prop finally froze up
and the whole engine tore off and flew up over the plane.
About that time, I turned
to glance out of the starboard window, just in time to see a rocket hit
Art Sample's plane. It blew up with a big flash and I couldn't see any
parachutes open. All that I could momentarily think was "Goodbye old buddy!"
Then I checked my charts and saw that we were only about 30 miles from
the point where we were supposed to rendezvous with the P-47 fighter escort
planes.
I thought, maybe we can hang on long enough and
make it there, as Boeing sure as hell makes tough airplanes. Just then,
when I was looking out the port window, I saw a rocket take off about 15
feet of our left wing. I then figured that our chances of making it back
were nil. I am not sure how Jack managed to keep the plane level but I
thought that I'd stay with the plane and continue to keep shooting at the
fighters who started coming in close for the "Kill." Ted must have thought
the same way as he was still up front burning up ammunition.
I didn't know it at the time,
but a rocket had sheared off most of our vertical stabilizer and rudder
and part of the right horizontal stabilizer was gone. The ball turret had
also been hit and Smith had been killed. At about the same time (as I later
heard), Baird had a 20 mm explode between his legs and it made hamburger
out of his lower body. Johnson's chute spilled in the plane and he didn’t
make it out. I understand that LaPointe and Frautschi helped Baird to bail
out and then jumped themselves. I don't know when Brandt jumped, but I
understand that he stayed after the other gunners had jumped.
An FW 190 came at us from
about 11 o'clock level a with a burst of 20 mm shells. It blew out a very
large part side of the nose between me and Ted, taking the bomb toggle
switch panel out with it. I was manning the starboard machine gun at the
time, and one of the 20 mm shells blew up right behind my back, throwing
me against the bulkhead. My flak suit was smoking and looked like a badly
torn sack of tin plates. My left arm and the back of my neck were filled
with very tiny splinters of metal.
The wind blew through the
big hole in the left side of the nose and the gale scattered my maps and
charts all over the plane. Everything that was loose was flying around
in the nose of the plane. I didn't know how Ted was doing as I couldn't
talk to him with the intercom out, but he was still shooting away at the
fighters that kept coming in at us.
Soon after that, another rocket
hit the number one engine knockIng it clear out of the nacelle. We now
had no engines left on the left wing and lacked the outer 15 feet of the
wing. Then an Me 109 came at us from two o'clock high and I saw him spurt
a big cloud from his engine and the canopy flew off as I continued to shoot
at him. He did manage to hit our number four engine before he dived down
under the wing but I was sure I got him. The number four engine lost power
and we now had only the number three engine running at full power. We were
now in a long glide with Jack managing to hold the plane fairly level.
An FW 190 circled in from
about 11 o'clock level shooting at us and just as I was about to get my
machine gun sights on him I was amazed to see that Jack was turning our
plane right at him and we barely missed colliding. Later, Jack told me
that he had become so frustrated that he had deliberately tried to ram
the fighter,
The plane then started to
wobble and I thought that I had better go back and see what was going on
in the rest of the plane. I grabbed an oxygen bailout bottle and crawled
back to the front escape compartment and looked up to see Jack's legs as
he was standing up with a parachute in his hand. Then I knew that it was
time to bail out so I crawled back to the nose after pulling the release
on the hatch and kicked Ted in the butt for the last time and pointed to
the open hatch. He put his parachute on and headed for the hatch, and I
turned around to put my "GEE" radar charts in the brief case, and pull
the incendiary flare to burn them up. Then I put my chute on.
As I turned to head for the
hatch, I saw Ted kneeling there so I tapped him on the back and he went
on out. Then I remembered that I had not pushed the button to blow up the
radar set, so I turned back to the navigator's desk and punched the detonator.
I happened to glance out the port window and was surprised to see an FW
190 coming up slowly from behind us with his flaps down, looking at our
plane. He was so very close to our wing that I could see his face as he
looked out of the plane. It made me so mad that I figured that he must
be the son of a bitch that had hit me with the explosive 20 mm and I grabbed
my machine gun and emptied the last rounds in the belt. The fighter was
so close that I couldn't miss. I saw him crumple over in the cockpit and
the engine blew up in fire as he fell off on a wing. I thought, "At least
I got that bastard for me and Art Sample!"
The plane was jerking badly
and started to wobble so I had to lay down and crawl to the escape hatch.
I had to push myself out against the force of the wobbling of the plane.
I still had the bailout bottle
of oxygen so I counted to ten and pulled the "D" ring on my chute. I had
no feeling of falling and, as I looked toward our plane, I saw it go down
past me about a mile away. The whole plane, from the cockpit back to the
tail, was in flames. I never did know who was the last one in the plane,
as Jack Pry said that he had gone back to hold the plane steady for Ted
to jump, and when he looked down and saw that Ted was gone, he bailed out.
It could have been between the time Ted and I jumped, or after I jumped.
However, I never did see any other parachutes after I jumped.
It felt great floating in
space with absolutely no feeling of falling. I was just hanging there looking
far down below at a low cloud layer. I don't know how much altitude we
lost before I bailed out, but because we were at 26,000 feet when we flew
over the target, I thought I must be at about 18,000 feet. I had heard
that you could expect a big jerk when your chute opened but I had felt
no jerk at all. I then looked up, and to my horror, saw that my chute had
not opened. It was just waving back and forth like a streamer.
I dropped the "D" ring that
I was still holding and grabbed for the shroud lines. As I pulled on the
lines, I could see that they were tangled up in the metal snap ribs of
the pilot chute. After violently shaking the lines, I finally got all except
two of the parachute panels full of air. I was exhausted and settled back
to await my landing.
I was sure glad that I had
not delayed pulling my chute as I needed most of the elevation I had to
have time to pull the shroud lines. I heard a plane coming toward me from
the side and he circled around me and came in close. But, as he never pointed
his nose at me I knew he wasn't going to shoot. He then waved and peeled
off to go home to his base.
Almost imperceptibly, the
cloud layer started to come up toward me. And then it came up at me faster
and faster. When I hit the cloud layer, it was like jumping into a giant
head of beer; sort of frothy and wet. When I broke through the clouds,
I could see a large complex of buildings directly below me. As I was already
short of air in my chute due to the two unopened panels and because a 24
foot chest pack was none too big for someone my size and weight, I didn't
dare spill any air to steer away from the buildings. The last thing that
I remember is my feet hitting the edge of the roof of a one-story building.
As I started to come to, I
seemed to hear a voice far away. Then it became louder and I then heard,
"Wo ist sie Kapoten?" When I opened my eyes, I saw what looked like a cannon
about six inches in front of my nose. As my vision cleared, I could make
out two German soldiers, with one holding his rifle in my face. I thought,
"Oh, no, this is my welcome to captivity but I've actually survived unless
I’m dreaming."
PART II, CAPTIVITY, OR LIFE AS A KRIEGSGEFANGENEN
(PRISONER OF WAR)
As my head started to clear, I
again heard "Wo ist sie Kapoten?" being shouted at me. Not knowing much
German at that time, even though I am of mostly German ancestry, I had
no idea of what the soldiers wanted. I learned later they were saying "Where
is your I pistol?" As I moved my head slightly, I could see the eaves of
a building above me. I must have bounced off the roof when I passed out
and then fallen about eight feet to the ground. The two soldiers must have
gotten tired of hollering at me as one of them then proceeded to search
me thoroughly. He then said "Kein Kapoten." which means, no pistol.
T hey finally each grabbed
one of my arms and tried to stand me up. At that point, I finally became
aware of the fact that I seemed to be numb from the waist down. Every time
they tried to stand me up, I collapsed. Finally, in frustration they each
put one of my arms over their shoulder, and half carried and dragged me
into a building. Then they propped me up in a chair in an office and left.
A man in a Luftwaffe uniform,
sitting at the desk, looked up and said in fairly good English, "Welcome
to Germany!" He then told me that I had parachuted right into a German
Women's Labor Camp. He explained that it was operated by a semi-military
organization called the "Reich Arbeit Dienst," which was formed to have
young people provide labor for the government before they were old enough
to go into the military. Most of the girls were German, but he said that
there were also "volunteers" from Holland, Belgium, and France.
The girls worked in a clothing
factory making military uniforms, in a large farming operation, or in a
nearby radio facility. I was the very first "enemy" they had seen, and
the two windows of the office were completely filled with the faces of
the girls who were trying to get a look at me. The officer then told me
that he had been an Oberst, or Colonel in the Luftwaffe, and had made "Ace"
as a night fighter. When he was shot down by a British bomber, he was wounded,
and it left him with impaired eyesight, so he was given a medal and assigned
as the Kommandant of the RAD camp as a reward for being a "Hero of the
Third Reich." He then told me that he had just called a German air base
on the other side of the town of Diepholz, to get them to send a vehicle
for me.
To pass the time away, he would point to some
of the girls in the windows and tell me which ones were the best to sleep
with. He had an exceptionally good looking blond secretary who was working
at her desk and periodically going in and out of the office. As she went
by his desk, he patted her on the butt and told me that she was the best
of all the girls. As I was feeling no pain, and as he was being so friendly,
I asked him if he had any girls available for guests. He laughed heartily
and said that was the best joke he had heard in a long time.
The colonel then asked how
I got shot down and I told him how we had been jumped by a large number
of fighters after being hit by flak. He asked how many fighters we had
shot down and I told him that I could not be sure as our intercom had been
shot out. However, I was fairly sure that our top turret got several and
that I was very sure that I had gotten an Me 109 and a FW 190 just before
I bailed out. He then said something to the blond secretary and she left
the room. She returned shortly with a bottle of Schnapps and some glasses
and poured us each a drink. Then, she and the colonel drank a toast to
me as a "gallant flier." I then learned that she actually spoke better
English than the colonel.
I began to get some feeling
back in my lower back and legs. Unfortunately, it was accompanied by increasing
feelings of pain. About that time, some guards brought Jack Pry into the
office and he told me that he had been captured not too far from the labor
camp. By the time a truck arrived from the Diepholz air base, I had regained
enough feeling in my legs that I could walk with some assistance.
The ride of about 15 miles
to the air base was very rough in the back of the truck and every bump
caused excruciating pain in my hack and down my left leg. At the air base,
we were placed in the guard house and met the rest of our crew, who had
been picked up at various other spots. It was then that I learned that
Johnson and Smith had been killed in the plane. A German fighter pilot
came into the guard house and told us that he wanted to shake our hands
for putting up such a good fight. He said that he had received the credit
for finally shooting our plane down.
The next morning, we were
hauled by truck back to Bremen. They drove us right through the center
of the city and the bombed area on the way to the railroad station. As
we rounded a corner in the bombed area. I could see smoke and fire down
the street and the body of an American flier hanging from a lamp post.
I was then glad that I was in the hands of the military rather than a mob
of civilians.
I really do not remember much about the railroad
trip to Frankfurt-Am-Main, as I was In severe pain, and the whole situation
of being a captive still seemed to be just a horrible dream. I am sure
that I was also in severe shock from being shot down as well as from my
injuries. On arriving in Frankfurt, we were taken to Du Lag Luft Transient
Camp, which was built right next to the main railroad yard and the headquarters
building of the I.G. Farben Chemical plant. I think the Germans built it
there to keep the Allies from bombing that part of the city. In the morning,
I was taken to the Du Lag Luft Interrogation Center at Oberursel, a suburb
of Frankfurt. I was stripped of my watch, silver I.D. bracelet and my pencils,
and placed in a room about seven feet by five feet in size, with a thick
almost soundproof door with a peephole. The room had one barred window
with frosted glass and it contained nothing but a bunk with a burlap mattress
filled with a small amount of straw and one blanket. There was one overhead
light bulb and an electric wall heater built into the wall with no controls
in the room.
I was still suffering great
pain and had difficulty walking without help. A guard finally came back
to my room and helped me down the hall to an office, where I was put in
a chair opposite a desk. The officer at the desk asked me a lot of questions
but I would only give my name, rank and serial number. He said that I was
only making it difficult for myself, and that he could see that I was injured
and needed treatment and that my being stubborn would only delay my being
sent to a hospital. He also told me that he would probably find all the
information on me in their files once they had time to search the records.
I was then sent back to my cell.
At dinner time in the late
afternoon, a guard brought me a small boiled potato and a bowl of soup
and spoon. It was strange soup. It didn't taste too badly but seemed to
have a lot of tiny twigs in it along with a little barley. In the morning,
I was given a cup of ersatz coffee, which was pretty bad, and a piece of
hard, black bread. This routine, along with escorted trips to the latrine
and the interrogator's office became my routine for days.
I soon discovered that I had
somehow gotten "crab" body lice from the very unsanitary toilet (I was
later told by some other prisoners that they had gotten them also while
here). They caused much itching to go along with the pain in my back and
leg, and the infected flak wound in my wrist. Trying to pick off the crabs
did help to provide a diversion to pass the time away but I doubt that
it reduced the crab population much.
Finally, one day I noticed
that a previous occupant of the cell had worked on the latch of the window
and had almost loosened it enough to open the casement window. By using
the spoon 1 got with my soup for a short time, I worked on the latch when
I thought the guard wasn't looking through the peephole. I kept trying
to pry the fastener loose from the screws and finally, on the second day,
I managed to get the final screw out before the guard returned to my cell.
I waited until after my morning coffee and bread and cautiously opened
the window. To my surprise, I saw a large vegetable garden and, just in
front of my window, an old man facing me and weeding in the garden. He
looked up and smiled before I could shut the window. As he had made no
move to yell or go to report me, I pointed to the cabbages and said "kraut,"
which was about the only German word I knew. I then kept pointing to my
mouth. He smiled and leaned down and pulled up a small cabbage. He then
cut it in two and squeezed it through the bars for me. It was to be the
best food that I a would get for a very long time.
The next day, one of the guards
who periodically checked me and the room, found the broken fastener on
the window and started screaming at me as he stormed out the door. He returned
a short time later and took me to another cell which had no blanket,. They
turned up the heat during the day so that I had to take off my clothes
to stand it. In the evening, they shut off the electric heater and, with
a no blanket, I suffered from the cold. This "hot and cold" treatment continued
for days and combined with the pain in my back and legs and the discomforts
of the "crabs," I was in total misery.
One morning, when they brought
me into the interrogator's office, he was ranting and raving about the
fact that the Koln (Cologne) Cathedral was in the target area of an air
raid the previous day, as shown on photos recovered from the downed lead
plane. He screamed that the Americans had become barbarians by targeting
a cathedral.
I finally said, "What are
you complaining about, you Nazis are a bunch of barbarians. Why should
you be concerned about a cathedral?"
He then became totally irate
and grabbed for his pistol, saying "I am going to kill you."
As I had been suffering pain
for so many days, I told him, "Go ahead and shoot me and put me out of
my misery."
He immediately stopped waving
his gun, hollered for the guard and I was escorted back to my cell. I later
learned that my reaction was probably the best thing I could have said,
as the Germans respected courage. If I had cowered, I would have likely
been shot.
I have no idea of how many
days I was in the interrogation center, or the sequence of events as the
days all seemed to run together and I had no way of marking them down.
However, one day, when they took me into the interrogator's room, they
sat me down in a chair that was to the side of his desk, where I could
see a large portrait photo of a woman. As I looked at it closely, I could
see "Liebe Dorthea" written on it and recognized who the woman in the photo
was. I asked him if he knew the woman in the photo. He said, yes, and then
asked me if I knew who she was.
I told him that I did because
my mother had pictures of her and she was my mother's cousin, Dorthea Wieck.
She was the number one movie star in Germany after Marlene Dietrich left
for Hollywood. I asked him how well he knew her and he replied, "Quite
well. I live with her whenever I can get up to Berlin on a weekend or when
she can get down to Frankfurt."
He said that he would tell
her that he had one of her second cousins prisoner. That evening, they
stopped the "hot and cold" treatment and turned on the electric heater
so that I got my best sleep in days.
Several days later, they took me to the interrogator's
room and he met me with a file. He said, "Lt. Burwell. we now know all
about you. I told you that you were just being stubborn and that we already
had the information in our files." He then showed me a copy of my special
orders that I received when I graduated from navigation school, the ones
I received for every transfer to training bases, and the ones I received
sending our replacement group to England. Then he told me that I was in
the 532nd Squadron of the 381st Group stationed in Ridgewell, England.
He even knew the names of all the top brass on base, including our intelligence
officer. The Germans must have had a spy in every mimeograph room at every
U.S. air base in order to have exact copies of all the special orders.
They must have also had a spy on every air base in England, as he told
me that the clock in our Officers' Club had malfunctioned, and he was right.
He said, "We know everything
about you, there are just a few incidental things we'd like to clear up.
What altitude were you flying at over the target and how far into Germany
could you use your radar?" I played dumb and said, "What's radar?" He kept
grilling me in various ways trying to get me to talk about radar. He kept
saying, "You were a lead navigator, you must know about radar." It seemed
to be the only thing that their spies hadn't been able to get much information
on. He finally gave up on me and said that he was sending me to a hospital.
That afternoon, I was taken
back to Frankfurt with some other prisoners. Instead of being returned
to the Transient Camp, we were put in a large, windowless room on the second
floor of the railroad station. I noticed that the main portion of the railroad
station had been a very large, glass dome but the bombing must have been
close enough to shatter all of the glass as it now looked like one gigantic
spider web.
The room had no bunks or blankets
so we had to sleep in our clothes on the floor. The air in the room was
pretty foul by morning or whenever it was that they came to get us. We
had some new guards and they seemed to be younger and nastier. As I couldn't
walk very well, I had a difficult time going down the stairs and was holding
up the prisoners behind me. A guard got mad and hit me in the kidney with
the butt of his rifle. I passed out and evidently fell the rest of the
way down the stairway. When I regained consciousness, several of the other
prisoners were carrying me down a railroad track.
We got to some old railroad
box cars on a siding and the Germans loaded as many of us as they could
squeeze into one of the boxcars and shut the door. There was no window
but there was some light coming in through several large cracks between
the boards. The car was so full that no more than 10 or 12 of us could
lie down at any one time. The other prisoners let me and two other injured
prisoners lay on the floor most of the time while they stood. This was
a typical boxcar - referred to as a 40 and 8 - because the capacity was
supposed to be 40 men or eight horses. I am sure that we had many more
than 40 men in the boxcar.
We waited the rest of the
day for an engine to pull us out of the railroad yard. The German guards
wouldn't let us out of the car to go to the bathroom, so we had to urinate
through the cracks in the boards. Sometime after dark, we heard the wail
of the air raid sirens and then the sound of the RAF bombers. Suddenly,
there was a series of gigantic explosions. It must have ben some of the
8,000 lb. bombs the RAF could carry and one landed close enough to knock
our boxcar off the track. However the car did not tip over. The air raid
finally stopped and all I could think of was that it was surely different
being on the receiving end of a bombing raid rather than being on the receiving
end.
Some time the next morning,
the guards took us to another siding, where after giving us some bread,
they loaded us into another boxcar that was in a string of cars which were
already loaded. After dark, we were finally on our way out of the rail
yard. It took us three days, with many stops and delays and with little
to eat or drink, to finally arrive at the city of Sagan in eastern Germany.
I guess our train load of prisoners did not have a very high rail priority
cargo. Most of the prisoners were taken off the train and sent to Stalag
Luft III Prison Camp, but the other two guys and I were taken to a hospital
on the other side of the city. Sagan is a small city on the Bober River,
which is a tributary of the Oder River. At that time it was in Silesia,
but it is now close to the border between East Germany and Poland. It was
south of Frankfurt-Am-Oder, about 108 kilometers southeast of Berlin.
The German doctor at the hospital
could speak a little English so I was able to tell him where I was hurt.
They X-rayed me, ran a bunch of other tests on me, and shaved my crotch
and painted me purple with Gentian Violet. The next day, he told me that
I had a compressed vertebra with a hairline crack, two broken ribs, a bruised
kidney, a lot of splinters of metal in the back of my neck and left hand
that they couldn't remove, and an infected wound on my wrist. He said that
all they could do for my back was to immobilize it by heavily taping me
up to prevent movement while the crack healed. They said that they couldn't
do much for my kidney; that I could expect to pass blood for a few more
days. They bandaged my wrist with a wet compress soaked with an antiseptic
called "Flavin," which was like iodine but had no sting. He said that if
it didn't help to stop the infection, they would then give me some sulfa
powder, which was in very short supply. The Germans had no antibiotics
like penicillin and infections were more of a problem to their doctors
than broken bones.
They sent me back across town
to the prison hospital in the "Vorlager" or Front Compound, of Stalag Luft
III, Kriegsgefangenen Kampf. I was put into a ward with seven other prisoners.
One was an American and the rest were RAF personnel. I was still in a great
deal of pain and the doctor gave me some opiate pills. I soon felt like
I was floating on the clouds again. I almost began to feel sorry for myself
until I saw the condition of the other patients in the ward.
The RAF lieutenant in the
bed next to me was the lone survivor of a plane that was shot down on the
famous low level raid, where the RAF dropped naval torpedoes from Lancaster
bombers into the water of the lake just upstream of the large dam on a
river in the Ruhr valley. They blew a large hole in the dam and partially
flooded the Ruhr valley and cut off the electric power. They came in very
low, just skimming treetops and buildings in order to drop the torpedoes
accurately. They were hit by light flak and couldn't gain altitude after
making the drop and bounced off the top of a ridge. The German orthopedists
were much more advanced than our doctors, and even though he had 17 breaks
in the bones in his body, they put him back together with a lot of pins
and external steel adjustable rods. They would get him up out of bed every
morning and make him walk up and down the hall on crutches. The German
doctors were very concerned about muscle atrophy and made us all get out
of bed and walk.
The guy in the bed across from me had a leg broken
just below his hip joint. The orthopedist drilled a hole in the top of
his pelvis and drove a steel pin into the broken off ball and into the
femur. They had him walking two days after the operation. After the war,
I described the operation to some American doctors and they didn't believe
me. It wasn't until about a year later that one doctor told me the hip
operation was described in the medical journal as the greatest new advance
in orthopedic surgery.
I remained in the hospital
for about three weeks and found that the biggest entertainment for the
patients was playing poker for cigarettes that came in the Red Cross food
parcels. I found that the RAF patients were no better poker players than
the RAF instructors at radar school and I soon amassed a fortune in "Players"
and "Craven A" cigarettes. The doctors gave me opium pills whenever I felt
that I needed one and kept me doped up. I found that I was taking more
and more and that it was raising hell with my poker playing. I decided
to quit the pills "cold turkey" and tough it out. It was pretty painful
for a number of days and I had a terrible urge to go back on the pills.
However, playing poker helped to keep my mind off my problems.
Just before I left the hospital,
they brought in a RAF pilot from the East Compound of the main camp, who
had a bad cold or pneumonia. I found out that he was the very first prisoner
of war. He told me that on the day Britain declared war on Germany, he
was out on patrol flying over the North Sea, when a German fighter came
up from Helgoland Island and shot him down. He was picked up by a German
boat and they didn't know what to do with him as it was 1939 and the Germans
had no prison camps. Herman Goering personally took an interest in him
and had him sent to his mansion, Where he stayed for several months as
a house guest, while waiting for a prison camp to be built.
One day, the doctor came in
and told me that he thought I'd be able to be sent into the regular prison
camp and I was escorted to the gate by a guard. I was met there by an American
prisoner, who took me to the senior American officer, Colonel Delmar T.
Spivey. He was very friendly and asked me about my experiences. He explained
how the camp operated and told me that the total Stalag Luft Prisoner of
War Camp consisted of the East Compound of RAF prisoners; the North Compound;
the Center Compound that was half RAF and half American, of which he was
the senior officer; South Compound that was American, and a West Compound
which was being built and was near completion. He also told me that prisoners
called themselves "Kriegies."
I was told that I would be
assigned to a "combine," or group of Krlegies who lived together as a group
sharing their meager food rations and doing necessary chores. I learned
that the Germans provided us a minimal quantity of boiled potatoes which
were semi-rotten, boiled barley grain, or a soup similar to that I got
at Oberursel with little twigs in it. They also fed us hard, black bread,
really bad margarine, occasional sugar beets or rutabagas, sometimes some
German "hand cheese," and, on rare occasions, some semi-spoiled horse meat
if a horse got killed in a bombing raid nearby. The whole boiled barley
grain contained weevil grubs which were white in color and slightly larger
than the barley grains.
I later found that you could
tell an old-timer in camp by the fact that he didn't bother to pick out
the maggots when eating his barley. It was a slow starvation diet and it
would have been difficult to survive without the British and American Red
Cross parcels. I later learned that the parcels were actually provided
by the governments: that the Red Cross only paid the cost of transporting
the parcels through Spain and Switzerland. Parents of Kriegies were also
allowed to occasionally send food and clothing packages as well as cigarette
packages.
I was taken to a barracks
building which had a communal kitchen with heating stoves in each end of
the building. The rest of the building was one large, open room. "Combines"
were formed by arranging triple-decker bunks into squares to provide semi-privacy
when cardboard was tacked on the outside of some of the bunks. There were
six or seven of these combines in each barracks and there were about 2,000
prisoners in the Center Compound. Three of the combines in my barracks
were RAF and RCAF Kriegies and the rest were American. There, I met C.W.
"Red" Cramer, Leo Correia and Ed Fazenbaker, with whom I spent most of
my time. There were three other Kriegies in the combine but Red, Leo and
Ed became my closest friends. Later on, we had more new prisoners move
in with us.
I received a warm welcome
especially when they found that I was arriving with a large sack of cigarettes,
which I had won in the hospital. Cigarettes were the currency of the camp.
You could buy almost anything from other Kriegies, from the "FOODACO" or
food exchange, or from the German guards. It was the first week in December
when I finally arrived in the Center Compound. I checked the camp records
and found that Jack Pry and Ted Snyder were also in the Center Compound
but were in two other barracks. They seemed to be settled into prison life
in their own combines but Jack seemed to be somewhat depressed. I was told
that Cecil Quinley had been sent to the West Compound after he got out
of a hospital so I never saw him again until 1989. Jack, Ted and I visited
each other occasionally but it was difficult to maintain friendships with
people in other barracks, as it took most of your time and energy to maintain
a survival routine.
After several weeks of indoctrination
into combine life, I could see that quite a few prisoners were depressed
or emotionally disturbed. I learned that they were the people who withdrew
into themselves. They spent most of their time bemoaning their fate and
dwelling on the miseries of being incarcerated. The Kriegies who seemed
to survive with apparently more healthy mental attitudes, on the other
hand, accepted the fact that they were in prison. They developed routines
to keep their minds occupied and they tried to maintain the best possible
physical fitness.
After the war, I read a book
by Viktor Frankel, a psychologist who had been sent to a concentration
camp but had survived without being sent to the gas chambers. He made the
strong point in his book that survival depended on keeping in the best
possible physical condition, having hope, and keeping occupied in some
constructive way. He wrote and rewrote his book while he was in prison.
Even after the Germans destroyed his book, he rewrote it from memory. He
came to the same conclusion that many of us did that survival was almost
a full time occupation, which required hope and dedication that could carry
you through the war.
I should note that it was
the introspective people who bemoaned their fate and dwelled on their confinement
who were the first to develop severe mental problems. The first person
in our compound to go completely "off his rocker" was a pilot who had a
master's degree in psychology from Stanford University. He got to the point
where he would talk with no one and spent his time meditating. One day,
he went berserk and tried to climb over the main gate, right in front of
the guards. They hauled him off to the "cooler" (solitary confinement cell),
and we later found out that he had been judged insane by the German psychiatrist
and was expatriated to Switzerland. At least, he got out of prison camp
before the rest of us.
The RAF Kriegies had continuing
soccer and rugby games and the Americans played softball. These activities
continued into the freezing winter weather and started again as soon as
the snow melted in the spring. Those who couldn't play physically strenuous
games, walked circuits of the compound for exercise. Some Kriegies practiced
on musical instruments provided by the YMCA and we had a Center Compound
Symphony Orchestra and a Big Band. There were drama groups that put on
plays and some of the RAF guys formed a Shakespeare Company. I will never
forget "As You Like It" as performed by English Kriegies using an unexpurgated
original script, which was pretty "bawdy." Two of them made unbelievably
good "village sluts." Perhaps I appreciated their actions of reaching up
under their dresses to scratch their "crabs" more than some of the other
Kriegies.
We had people in camp who
were experts in almost any field since, as officers, most of the people
in camp were college students or graduates. We had pilots who were professional
tailors and could hand tailor costumes for the plays as well as civilian
clothes and German uniforms for people trying to escape. We also had a
radio genius who could build radios, making condensers from tinfoil on
cigarette packages and buying the parts and wire he couldn't make from
the German guards for cigarettes. We had one radio in camp that was hidden
in the base section of a piano accordion and another in a model airplane
hanging over a table in a combine. The Germans had searched the accordion
before the radio was installed. When a guard came into the barracks someone
was usually playing the accordion and it was never again searched. The
Germans watched the model airplane being built and inspected it after it
was completed but not after the radio was hidden in it.
Other people became involved
in escape activities, making escape maps, forged identification papers,
digging tunnels, etc. Others were involved in learning and we had a "Kriegie
Kollege." Would-be students could take courses in a great number of subjects
from people with degrees in such subjects as mining engineering, biology,
languages or calculus. After I settled into a survival routine, I helped
Bruno Berselli, another forester from Oregon State University, write up
lesson plans and teach courses in forest management. Students could get
a certificate stating that they had completed so many hours of study which
we hoped would be accepted by some colleges after the war.
Bridge playing and poker were
other great time fillers. The British, particularly, were excellent bridge
players and taught me to play using a British bidding system. There was
a chapel in camp and Padre McDonnald, a British chaplain, held services.
However, only a small number of Kriegies attended regularly.
Other activities included much handwork, making
things, or patching and mending clothes. The only cooking utensils provided
by the Germans were a few table knives, forks and spoons and a big, zinc
pitcher with a label on it saying "Kein Trinkwasser," which translated
meant "not to be used for drinking water." However, we cooked soup in them
and we must have absorbed a great quantity of zinc in our systems.
One of the great items in
a Red Cross parcel was the "Klim" powdered milk. We needed the milk for
our health and the tin cans provided the raw material for making innumerable
items essential to Kriegie life. Everything from pipes and air pumps for
escape tunnels, cooking ladles and pots and pans were made from the tins.
As our combine only had a
"Kein Trinkwasser" and a poorly made tin pan to cook in, I decided to become
a tinsmith. The best tinsmith in our barracks was an Australian in an RAF
combine so I became his apprentice for a while. Then I traded some cigarettes
to a German guard for a small shoemaker's hammer and a square bar of steel
to bend tin on and I was in business. I learned to make all kinds of utensils
and other items out of "Klim" cans. I even helped the Australian make a
still, which could be dissembled when not in use so the Germans didn't
know what it was. The RAF combine had a barrel next to their garden, which
they told the Germans was used for making compost for the garden. They
threw in all of the sugar beet roots and peelings, a few prunes and raisins
and fermented a sort of wine. We made the still to distill the fermented
mash into a sort of pink vodka. The only bottles in camp were medicine
bottles so we had everybody save the bottles, which we filled and buried
in the gardens.
Even though my back pain had
become tolerable, I couldn't get involved in the soccer or other strenuous
sports but I occasionally played softball. My main physical activity was
walking "rounds." There was a guard rail about 20 feet from the double-barbed
wire fence that encircled the compound. There was a very well-worn path
along the guard rail and, at any time after morning "Appel" (roll call)
until we were locked in the barracks after dark, there would be a steady
stream of prisoners walking whether in rain, snow or freezing weather.
I started a routine of walking a minimum of 10 rounds daily unless I was
too sick to walk. My days became filled with doing my assigned chores,
walking rounds, tinwork, melting the solder off corned beef can lids, teaching
forestry, playing bridge or poker, learning a little German, reading, or
talking with other people in the barracks. One of my other activities was
as part of the security organization. I would do scheduled shifts to keep
track of who the Germans were that were going in and out of camp, so the
other Kriegies working on escape activities could be warned of their presence.
No one was allowed out of the barracks after evening Appel and no one was
safe outdoors as the Germans turned loose their Doberman and German Shepherd
guard dogs that had been known to take a big chunk out of a Kriegie's leg
if they attacked. All-in-all I managed to work out a routine that provided
me a full day with no time to dwell on my injuries or my fate of being
a prisoner of war.
I got to know a number of
the RAF and RCAF people quite well. There was a South African from Pietermaritzberg,
Natal, who was the son of a plantation owner who grew mine props for the
gold mines. He had pictures of his father standing next to some Pinus Patula
pine trees grown from seed gathered in Mexico. They were only seven years
old yet big enough to make a mine prop. We had many enjoyable discussions
on forestry in our countries. He was raised by a Zulu nanny and spoke Zulu
fluently before he learned to speak English. He used to pass messages over
the fence between our compound and the East Compound by speaking in Zulu
to another South African over there. It frustrated the Germans as there
was no way to understand the Zulu language or to learn it, as it was primarily
a lot of clicking noises.
Peter Whidby, son of the chairman
of the Board of Royal Dutch Shell Oil Co., was also in our barracks. His
stepmother was a young German woman only about six years older than Peter.
She had been stranded in Germany when the war started. She had a lot of
pull with Nazi bigwigs in Berlin and used to come to our camp to take Peter
out on a pass. He and his stepmother and a German officer would go to a
restaurant for dinner. He usually managed to bring back a big basket of
food when he was returned to camp.
Then we had an RAF fighter
pilot who had been shooting up trains in northern France. He was hit by
flak guns on the train while he was flying only about 50 feet off the ground.
His plane caught fire and he couldn't gain enough altitude to bail out
so he decided to jump out anyway, rather than to burn to death in the plane.
He pulled the canopy and ejected. He had been flying directly over and
parallel to one of the famous French hedgerows, which are quite wide, and
he landed right on top of it. He bounced and rolled down the hedgerow with
the branches and spines tearing off his leather flying suit. He broke both
legs and probably didn't have a spot two square inches on his body that
wasn't scratched and scarred by the hedgerow. However, he survived bailing
out at about 160 mph without a parachute.
One of the RAF pilots was
actually a Pole. He had been at Cambridge studying when Germany invaded
Poland so he volunteered for the RAF. He was shot down over Germany but,
because he could speak fluent German and managed to steal some civilian
clothes, he managed to make it to Poland. There, he stayed with friends
until someone turned him in to the Gestapo. They executed his friends for
hiding him and sent him to Belsen-Bergen Concentration Camp. He finally
convinced the Germans that he was an RAF pilot so they transferred him
to Stalag Luft III.
It was a sad day in our barracks
when all of the RAF people were told that they were being transferred to
the North Compound and to a camp at Baleria across town. The Center Compound
was to become an all-American Compound. It was a very much sadder day when
we heard about the escape from the tunnel in the North Compound. This escape
was later dramatized and fictionalized as the movie, "The Great Escape,"
with Steve McQueen playing an American prisoner. Actually, there were no
Americans involved in the escape, although a number of Americans helped
to dig the tunnel before they were transferred to the South Compound. Fifty
of the escapees were rounded up and taken to the Gestapo headquarters in
Goerlitz and shot in execution style to convince the rest of the prisoners
that it was not safe to try to escape. A number of our old RAF friends
were among those shot, including the Pole. Three prisoners did make it
to England. One was a Dutchman, who was studying in England when the war
started and joined the RAF. I believe the other two were Norwegians who
had also volunteered for the RAF. They made it to Danzig on the Baltic
Sea and hid aboard a Swedish ship, in a bin of coal being shipped to neutral
Sweden. I later met the Dutchman at a Stalag Luft III reunion in 1987.
He had come to the states and finished medical school and is now a doctor
in Hawaii.
Speaking of TV and movies,
"Hogan's Heroes," although totally wacky, did show, in an exaggerated way,
some things we actually did in camp to annoy the guards. One favorite trick
was to sneak up behind a guard, while another person talked with him or
got his attention, and then pour sand down the barrel of his rifle. When
he had to stand inspection after getting off guard duty and had to pull
open the bolt, sand would pour out - earning him extra duty. Sometimes,
instead of sand, we would drop a lighted cigarette which nicely fit into
the gun barrel. After we left the guard, we would see him periodically
turn around quickly to see who was smoking a cigarette behind him. It drove
him nuts.
The head guard in our compound
was Ober Feldwebel, or Chief Master Sergeant Stranghoner, whom we had nicknamed
Popeye. He was an old-time regular military man who was in the Luftwaffe
before Hitler came to power. He didn't like the younger Nazis and was always
strictly military in how he treated us. He was called "Popeye," because
he had been wounded on the Russian front and laid in the snow until some
German soldiers rescued him. His eye had frozen and they had to remove
it. He was than sent to our camp to be a guard. All of the regular uniformed
guards, other than Popeye, were called "Goons" after the sub-human characters
in the Popeye comic strip.
We had other guards who were
referred to as "ferrets," who wore coveralls. They crawled under the barracks
with pointed steel rods and probed and looked for tunnels. They also listened
through knotholes in the floor. They claimed they couldn't speak English
but we knew better. When we thought they were listening below a knothole,
we would pour hot water down the hole and occasionally scald one.
There was only one successful
escape from the Center Compound and it occurred before I came into camp.
Some RAF guys had made a horse to do gymnastics on and had the bottom made
out of solid boards with a hollow interior which would hold two people
and some excavated dirt. Every day a bunch of Kriegies would haul it out
to a spot near the guard or warning rail, where they only had to dig a
tunnel about 30 feet to get outside of the barbed wire. They made a board
trapdoor that could be covered with sand when they were through digging
for the day. When they were digging, some of the prisoners exercised on
the horse and, when the tunnelers were through for the day, they would
haul it back to be stored next to the "abort" or latrine. When the guards
were not looking, the sand was dumped down the abort or scattered along
the guard rail, while walking rounds so that the new dirt would be stirred
up in the path.
Three men who spoke German,
escaped through the tunnel and made it to Sweden.
There were a number of other
escape attempts made in the Center Compound. We tried tunneling until the
Germans installed seismograph machines at the corners of the camp. They
would let us continue to dig while they kept track of how the digging progressed.
When the tunnel got close to the barbed wire area, they would come into
camp and scold us for digging. We'd pretend innocence until they would
show us the exact route of the tunnel. They would then poke iron rods down
into the ground to make holes so that they could then flood the tunnel
with fire hoses and collapse it.
Some Kriegies tried cutting
the barbed wire fences at night between passes of the searchlights. Other
Kriegies tried to hide in, or under, supply wagons going out of the main
gate. I understand that before I arrived in camp, one Kriegie even tried
to hide in a "Honey Wagon" which had just pumped the sewage out of an abort.
All of these attempts failed quickly.
A Kriegie named Shaw, who
lived in the combine next to ours, got the idea of jumping from the barracks
roof to catch one of the two main power lines coming into camp. So, one
stormy night, he made his try. He managed to catch the wire without grounding
it and getting electrocuted and then proceeded to go hand over hand towards
freedom. Just as he was over the double barbed wire fence, the electric
wire broke. He hit the ground and the broken wire grounded out on the barbed
wire fence making a great flash and shorting out all of the lights in camp.
He was immediately caught and thrown into the “cooler” for 30 days.
In January, 1944, I came down
with a very bad cold as the barracks were very poorly heated by only two
small coal stoves. We also had a minimum of winter clothes and blankets.
When I began to get chest pains and coughed up blood, they sent me to the
hospital in Vorlager. I was then walked across the city of Sagan by two
Goons to the main hospital, where I was X-rayed. As we walked back through
the city, I noticed a number of workers with French patches on their work
clothes. I asked one of the Goons who they were and I was told that a great
many Frenchmen volunteered to work in German factories after Germany captured
France. They had limited run of the city and, according to the Goons, were
good workers who did not try to leave or sabotage the machinery.
The X-rays showed that I had
a bad case of pleurisy and that my lungs were about half filled with fluid.
To ease the pain, they taped my chest up so that I could hardly breathe
and gave me some of their scarce sulfa pills. It took about two weeks to
get over the worst part of the pleurisy, when I had recovered enough that
they could return me to the Center Compound with some aspirin and a couple
of sulfa pills. While I was back in the hospital, I found out that all
of the orderlies were Russian officers. Since Russia had never signed the
Geneva Convention, the Germans forced Russian officers to work at manual
labor.
The Russian major on our ward
could speak a bit of German and one of our RAF patients could speak fluent
German, so we had a three language conversation. We found that he was a
major in charge of a tank column, when the Russians made a midwinter push
across the frozen Witebsk Marshes in eastern Poland. His only orders were
to keep going west and kill as many Germans as possible. His tank column
went as far as they could and ran out of fuel. Then they fought until they
ran out of ammunition. He was wounded and unconscious when captured and
his biggest worry was that when the war was over, the Russians would execute
him as a traitor for not fighting until he was killed.
One of the German officers
in charge of our camp was Hauptmann (Captain) Schultz. I learned, while
talking with him in the Vorlager hospital, that before the war, his family
owned the largest chocolate company in Germany. They even had a branch
in New York and Schultz used to go there on business frequently. He spoke
perfect English. Because his family didn't protest the Nazis taking over
the business, the Nazis gave him a direct commission as a Hauptmann in
the Luftwaffe. He had many friends who were high-ranking in Berlin headquarters.
He still had quite a bit of money and a hand tailored uniform and a beautiful,
split leather, horsehide trench coat. He was a real "dandy," and took frequent
trips to Berlin for the weekend.
The British had started heavy
night bombing in the Berlin area and when I was in the hospital with pleurisy,
Schultz came back from a weekend in Berlin, a bundle of nerves and a total
wreck. At first, all that he would say was "It was awful, it was awful."
The doctors gave him a sedative and he stayed in the hospital for two days.
He then told us about his trip to Berlin. He had been in bed with a girl
friend in his Berlin apartment when the air raid sirens had started wailing.
As he had just started some sexual activity, he didn't want to get up and
dress and go to an air raid shelter. He said that as he was about to have
an orgasm. a large bomb landed just outside of his window and blew him
and his girlfriend clear out of bed and they bounced off the wall. They
managed to crawl their way out of the building and onto the street. There
by the light of the fires that had started, they suddenly realized that
in their hurry to escape the falling debris, they had reached the street
in a totally naked condition. They finally made it to an air raid shelter,
where the embarrassed pair were given some blankets. In the morning, he
managed to salvage his uniform from the apartment and he headed back to
camp.
After I got back to my combine
in the Center Compound, I settled back into my survival routine and don't
remember much worth writing about except for unusual incidents or happenings.
When spring came, the YMCA gave us some vegetable
seeds to plant a garden so Red, Leo and I spent time digging up some stumps
and preparing a garden plot under our window. It was terrible soil -almost
pure sand and it was difficult to raise much except carrots, beets and
rutabagas. To water the garden, we had to haul buckets of water from the
compound fire pit or sump in the middle of the compound. However, it was
worth it for the few fresh vegetables we did produce.
Leo's hair started falling
out and it worried him greatly. I offered to shave his head - I forgot
to mention that I also became the combine barber - having heard that baldness
was caused by poor circulation. We decided that if I could massage his
scalp, it would improve circulation. Every few days I would massage his
head and, since the only oil we had was the lousy German margarine, we
used his margarine ration for his massage. One of the Kriegies in our barracks
nicknamed him "Skull" and it stuck while we were at Stalag Luft III. His
hair actually stopped falling out and when I last saw him in 1989, he still
seemed to have about the same amount of hair, so I guess the treatment
worked.
The Germans delivered our
Red Cross parcels somewhat sporadically. But when they were delivered regularly,
we had enough food to stabilize our weight after losing considerable poundage.
When the Germans had been particularly slow about giving us our Red Cross
parcels, we got hungry enough to go on strike and refused to come out of
the barracks for Appel. The Germans wouldn't budge on our demand and called
in some troops with two machine guns which they set up in the center of
the compound. They demanded that we come out of the barracks immediately
or they would shoot. We again refused to come out and a machine gun proceeded
to shoot a long row of holes through the side of the barracks. Luckily
no one was hit, but they got results as we came boiling out of the barracks.
They kept us lined up for hours as punishment but a few days later we again
started to get our Red Cross parcels on a regular basis.
In his book, "POW ODYSSEY,"
Col. Spivey said that he felt that we had received "adequate" food at Stalag
Luft III. Perhaps he felt that way because he bunked in a separate barracks
with the rest of the colonels and with General Vandaman when he showed
up in camp. The personnel in the cookhouse made sure that they got a good
supply of our ration of German soup and vegetables and they also got more
Red Cross parcels. Col. Spivey was undoubtedly unaware that he was given
a little preferential treatment. No one complained, as we thought he deserved
it.
Our "Combine" system of living,
which was communistic in that everyone shared equally, probably worked
successfully because it was the only way that we could survive on such
short food rations. I should mention that there were almost no cases of
stealing in camp. The only case that I can remember is that of a bombardier
who had gone a bit weird or mentally unstable.
I did notice that the few
times that we had an adequate supply of Red Cross parcels, people tended
to become more possessive about personal belongings and food. I guess that
communism only works well when people are uniformly living in poverty.
Another situation occurred
which I remember well. We had received a set of dueling sabers along with
fencing masks from the YMCA in a shipment of athletic equipment. Red Cramer
and I took up dueling for exercise and had fun, even though we weren't
too proficient at it. One day a Luftwaffe headquarters inspection team
came into our compound for a surprise inspection and, when they saw Red
and I dueling, they came over closer to watch and asked us to continue
dueling. Finally, one colonel with a long scar on his cheek asked Red to
give him his saber so that he could demonstrate some moves on me. I had
visions of being cut to pieces as I figured that he must have gotten the
scar from dueling at the famous dueling school at Heidelberg, so I politely
declined. He ended up demonstrating some moves without having a target.
One day, a number of women
were seen starting to dig a ditch outside of our barbed wire fence. One
of our Kriegies, who spoke Polish, found out that they were Polish women
from a concentration camp, who were put into a labor battalion. We noticed
that when they had to go to the bathroom, the guards made them squat on
the edge of the trench and that they seemed to have difficulty urinating.
They told our Polish speaking Kriegie that before they were sent out from
the concentration camp, they had been sterilized with a red hot steel poker.
The resulting scar tissue not only prohibited sexual activity, but also
caused difficulty in urinating.
According to the Geneva Convention,
the Germans were supposed to give us the pay of German officers of equivalent
rank in the Luftwaffe. However, they never paid us any money. They kept
it in a fund that was supposed to be used to buy things for the camp. However,
they used the fund to pay for the repair of any damage caused by Kriegies.
It took a great portion of the fund to pay for the cost of repairing the
damage caused by our tunneling activities. However, at times Col. Spivey
could get them to buy extra food and supplies such as toilet paper.
Sometimes, he was able to
buy some cigarettes from the Germans. They were a brand named "Elegans,"
made in France. They were anything but elegant as they seemed to be made
from the floor sweepings of the cigarette factory. They contained pieces
of the leaf veins, splinters of tobacco stalks and dust. They tasted so
bad that the German guards refused to take them when we tried to barter
them away.
As Christmas 1944 approached,
Col. Spivey convinced the German Kommandant to sell us some nonalcoholic
beer so that we could have some Christmas cheer. Unbeknownst to the Germans,
we had been distilling alcohol for some time and storing it in many small
medicine bottles, which were hidden and buried in our gardens.
After the Germans delivered
the kegs of "Ersatz" beer to our compound, they were tapped and we filled
our "Kein Trinkwassers." Then the medicine bottles of alcohol were poured
into the beer. Many of the Kriegies got a bit drunk and staggered around
camp even after they were supposed to be lining up for evening Appel. The
Goons and Kommandant about went out of their minds and, at first, thought
that the wrong kind of beer had been delivered to us. They ended up being
pretty tolerant of the drunks but never did find out how we managed to
get the alcohol.
The weather turned cold and
we had the typical wet snowstorms which turned to slush about two to three
inches deep. It would freeze at night and get up to about 34-38 degrees
during the day, so that the slush stayed on the ground almost all winter.
We also had a cold, damp wind coming down across the Baltic Sea from the
north.
We finally got a shipment
of winter clothes and I managed to get an English army "great coat." or
overcoat, which was pretty warm. However, I still had the problem of army
boots with holes in them which I patched with cardboard innersoles. It
was impossible to keep my feet dry for long when I was walking in the slush.
A number of other Kriegies and I were on the list for new boots when a
new shipment arrived.
In January of 1945, the Russians
started a big advance through Poland. We kept track of their progress by
getting the BBC news on our clandestine radio sets and marking the progress
of the Russians on a map that we had obtained earlier from the Germans.
They had no problem with our tacking our map on the cookhouse wall and
even the Goons used to stop and look at the movement of the advancing Russians.
By mid-January, we could hear
faint cannon fire off to the East and we knew that the Russians were getting
closer. The sound would seem to get a little closer every day or so and
we began to feel that we could soon be liberated by the Russians. Such
was not to be.
The sounds of battle came
closer and closer until they could be heard quite plainly. If we were to
be liberated, I wanted to have something to carry my personal belongings
in so I started sewing up a shirt to make a pack sack by sewing the sleeves
to the back of the shirt. I then sewed up the front of the shirt a ways
and folded the bottom of the shirt and sewed it up to finish the pack sack.
On January 27, 1945, it snowed hard most of the
day and by evening, we had about eight inches of new snow on top of the
three inches of slush. At about 9:15 that evening, a Goon opened the barracks
door and asked our barracks commander to go with him to Col. Spivey's barracks.
About 15 minutes later, he returned and told us to start packing as we
were going to be marched out of the camp, then move south and west so that
the Russians couldn't liberate us.
Red Cramer and I decided that
we would stick together, so while he started to pack our gear, I tore apart
our bunk bed, and using the bed boards, nails and the rope from British
Red Cross parcels, I built a sled. Red made bedrolls of our blankets and
had packed our share of the combine food, utensils, knives, forks and spoons.
He even scrounged some toilet paper. I put my hammer and steel bar, along
with my other clothes and the sack of about 100 packs of cigarettes, in
the pack sack. We were ready to go. However, I was concerned that I hadn't
been able to get my new boots so I made some extra cardboard innersoles
while we waited.
No one could sleep, waiting
for word to leave. At that time, there of were over 11,000 prisoners in
Stalag Luft III so it would take quite a while to empty the camp. Finally,
we were told that the North and West Compounds had left and that the South
and East Compounds would be leaving next. At about 3 a.m., we were called
to leave the barracks and line up for the march. It was bitterly cold with
a strong wind and light snow still falling.
Popeye had opened up the Red
Cross parcel warehouse and we were told that we could take anything we
wanted. I had taken the burlap mattress off my bunk and emptied the straw
so we had a big sack for the sled. Red and I loaded up with what we could
carry by taking only the best stuff out of the parcels. We took mostly
"D" bar chocolate, raisins, prunes, spam, cheese, cigarettes and crackers.
We took all that we thought we could pull on the sled. General Vandaman
and Popeye, our Ober Feldwebel, led us out of the gate on a venture into
the unknown. Our barracks was one of the first out of the gate so we were
close to the head of the column. Everyone seemed happy about leaving the
relative security of our Stalag home butwe all wondered where we were going
and how it would all end up.
Note: Col. Spivey wrote a
very good description of the first days of our march in his book, "P.O.W.
Odyssey," so I will only describe how Red and I managed.
Although there was about a
foot of snow on the road, the men in the compounds who marched ahead of
us had stamped a trail so it was probably easier for us than it had been
for them. We marched all day with short breaks to eat some chocolate or
smoke a cigarette. My feet had become wet after a short distance and finally
they became numb.
After dark, at about 6 p.m.,
we finally reached the town of Halbau and Popeye went to look for a place
for us to spend the night. We had been standing in the snow for an hour
waiting, when he finally returned and said that we were going to stay in
a church. It was heated and felt great. All 2,000 of us packed into the
church and Red and I carried our sled in and found a small spot on the
floor of a raised lectern or pulpit. It had just enough room for us and
the sled if we slept sitting up. I took my shoes off to dry and saw that
my feet were a very pale, white color and they were still numb.
In the morning, my feet ached
fiercely and woke me early so I knew for sure that they had been frozen.
After eating some chocolate and raisins, we left the church and formed
our column. We marched all day with an hour break for lunch and then finally
stopped at a farm with two tremendous barns. They had lots of hay to burrow
into and keep warm. During the day my feet had again become numb, so I
knew that they were again frozen.
The farm was owned by a German
Count and he had a lot of Polish women working there. He had them hauling
hot water for us to make coffee and we settled in for the night. In the
morning, we were told that we would be able to stay another day to rest
up and I spent most of the day sleeping and bathing my feet. I finally
got our first aid man to treat and bandage them. Some of the Kriegies had
our Polish speaking Kriegie proposition one of the Polish girls, offering
one square of a "D" bar of chocolate. Soon, she and quite a number of other
girls were running a business and had long lines of customers waiting their
turn. Unfortunately, my feet hurt so badly that I didn't feel much like
participating.
On January 31, we got up early
and headed down the road. By dark, we arrived at the city of Muskau, about
50 kilometers from the barn that we had left that morning. We were put
up in a pottery factory and we slept between rows of big pots and urns.
The building was nice and warm because the kilns were still operating and
we found that by putting a small pot of water on the chimney of a kiln,
we could heat water for coffee. We remained at the pottery factory for
three days while the Germans were trying to find a place for us to go.
Unfortunately, my feet started
to turn somewhat black and the skin started to peel off in chunks. When
we left on the morning of February 4, my feet were quite raw. However,
with my feet bandaged, we marched all day. The weather turned warmer and
the snow melted and became about six inches of slush. Finally we got to
where the pavement was getting pretty bare and it became difficult to pull
the sled. We crossed the river Neisse, at the town of Neissebrucke, and,
at about dark, stopped at a farm to spend the night near the town of Graustein.
In the morning, we were told
that we were to march to Spremberg and be put on a train. Red and I could
see that the sled would be useless on the pavement, so we packed as much
food as possible into our pack sacks and in the pockets of our greatcoats.
We arrived at the city of Spremberg at about noon and the Germans had a
big pot of soup waiting for us. In our march from Sagan to Spremberg, we
had covered a total of 87 kilometers, about 55 miles. We were finally loaded
into the infamous "40 and 8" boxcars, and again we were a sure that Germans
couldn't count because we ended up packed in like sardines in a can. We
didn't know where we were going but one guard said that we were going to
Nuremburg, while another said Munchen.
I'm not sure how many days
we were on the train because we stopped so frequently for air raids or
for other trains to pass. Sometimes we waited while they cleared rubble
from bombed rail yards. I do remember going through Cottbus and arriving
in Zwickau. At Zwickau, we had a long wait and the guard let us out of
the boxcar to go to the bathroom, one at a time. The guard told me to go
next to a guard rail at the station and while I was squatting there, grunting
and farting, two German ladies came up and started a conversation with
my guard. They were less than four feet away from me, while asking the
guard about where we were coming from and where we were going. They looked
down at me and smiled and walked off. It was undoubtedly the most embarrassing
position I've ever been in.
When we finally arrived in
Nuremburg, we were told that the North, South, East and West compounds
had filled up the camp and that we would be going south to Moosburg, just
north of Munchen (Munich). We were traveling all night on the train and
arrived in Moosburg in the early morning.
It wasn't much of a place:
A large cheese factory that was well known through Europe, a small town,
a couple of railroad sidings, and an extremely large prisoner-of-war camp
on the other side of the railroad tracks.
Stalag VIIA had been an enlisted
men's camp but had been continually expanded. We were put into a compound
that was situated between an RAF enlisted men's compound and a Russian
compound that a guard said now held 10,000 Russians. Amazingly, there were
two Russian female soldiers in with all those men. The guard said that
they had refused the opportunity to be confined in a separate area away
from the men, saying that they could take care of themselves. When we saw
them, we believed they probably didn't have any problem with the men. They
were the biggest, meanest looking amazons that anyone ever saw. The German
guard said that there were another 40,000 Russians in other camps nearby.
Our barracks were about the
same size as the ones we had in Stalag Luft III, except here we were crunched
in so tightly it was a chore to squeeze in and out of our triple-decker
bunks. There was only a very small coal stove with a very small supply
of coal. We got far more heat from all the bodies crowded together than
we ever did from the stove.
It soon got so that the Germans
didn't even bring enough coal to cook with let alone heat the barracks.
Food supplies were about as bad or worse. A few rotten potatoes, some very
watery soup and a very small bread ration. We could see that there was
no question that we couldn't last very long with so little food so we stretched
out our Red Cross parcel food that we brought with us. Red and I really
hoarded our "D" bar chocolate for our final last resort. I did manage to
periodically trade some cigarettes to the guards for some bread or cheese
but they also had very little food to eat.
With so many people trying
to cook something, there was hardly any time you could get a space on the
cook stove. One day, while I was looking in the RAF compound, I saw the
men cooking on a little blower machine made of tin. It could boil water
in a short time, with a handful of twisted paper or twigs. I asked them
how they made it and soon started building my own. It had three parts attached
to a piece of a bed board: a blower fan, a wooden shafted wheel and crank
with wooden bearings, and a firebox. They were connected together by a
belt made of two shoestrings. The hardest part to make was the wooden shaft
for the blower pulley because it had to be slit to attach the four blades.
The fan blew air up underneath the firebox, like sort of a forge. It worked
just fine but I had to rebuild the firebox every so often and we were getting
short of tin since we weren't getting any more Red Cross parcels and the
necessary powdered milk cans.
One day, we heard a great
noise after a plane flew low over our camp. As some Krlegies said, it sounded
like a tremendous "flying fart." We later learned that it was an Me-262,
the first jet fighter. The Germans were hauling parts into Moosburg during
the night and the planes were being assembled in the cheese factory, which
no longer made cheese. Finished planes were moved out at night and hidden
in a special hangar under the autobahn. They fueled up on alcohol jet fuel
from a tank car on the railroad siding, taxied out from under an underpass
and up on to the autobahn at the interchange. The autobahn made one long
runway for them. Two or three Me-262's would take off and fly up when there
was an air raid nearby. If they could have built more of them or could
have started to build them earlier, they would have wiped out the whole
8th Air Force.
My feet still bothered me
and I bathed them daily. On sunny days, I aired my bare feet in the sun.
I managed to get a small bottle of Flavin antiseptic and it kept my feet
from getting infected too badly as they healed. What was bothering me almost
as much as my feet, was the trench mouth that I had somehow picked up.
My gums bled every time I ate and they were shrinking below the enamel
line on my teeth. It became painful to chew. As I hadn't been able to brush
my teeth after wearing out my toothbrush, all that I could wash my mouth
out with was water.
We had begun to get a few
new prisoners in camp. They were a very bitter bunch of men. They were
from a B-24 group that had been converted to aerial tankers by putting
large tanks in the bomb bays.
Their assigned mission was to haul fuel for General
"Blood and Guts" Patton's tanks. They were supposed to land on the autobahns
and have the tanks drive back several miles to fuel up directly from the
planes. Patton didn't like having his tanks turn around and go back from
a battle area so he gave the commander of the B-24 group directions to
land at spots that were extremely close to the battle zone. Sometimes they
were landing behind the German tank forces, when the American advance was
slowed down a little. Their planes were getting shot up on the ground by
the German tanks. These guys were so bitter, they pledged they'd kill General
Patton if they ever got the chance. With the influx of new prisoners, there
were now over 100,000 prisoners in camp, including 50,000 Russians.
When we no longer got any
fuel, we started burning all of the bed boards we could spare. One day,
I crawled under the barracks through a very small hole I had dug under
the foundation and found that the barracks had a sub-floor. I got my iron
bar and pried off a cleat on a floor joist to loosen the boards between
two of the joists and the whole section of sub-floor collapsed on me, covering
me with gravel. I could then see that there was a six inch space between
the floor and sub-floor that was filled with gravel for insulation and
to strengthen the upper floor boards.
Every other night after that,
I'd go down under the barracks with Red Cramer and tear off a section of
sub-floor boards so that the people in our end of the barracks could have
fuel, but I wouldn't tell anyone where I was getting the wood. One night,
when Red and I weren't looking, some of the guys in the other end of the
barracks followed us and found our source of boards. After that, the source
was pretty well stripped out in a short time. One day, a Goon came in the
door and stamped his foot to help get our attention when he shouted for
us to fall out for Appel. When he did so, his foot went clear through the
floor. The guard threw a fit and when the head guard saw what had been
done under the barracks, he was really mad. He threatened solitary confinement
but no one squealed.
A few days later, I noticed
that the Germans had built a zigzag trench as an air raid shelter, between
the guard rail and the barbed wire fence that had some wood poking up out
of the ground. I figured that if we could get into the trench unseen, we
could sneak around the angled turns and look for a way to salvage some
wood. That night, we sneaked out of the barracks and waited for the searchlights
to pass the end of our barracks and I made a dash for the trench. I found
that the trench had been built and shored up by putting in six inch posts
about four feet apart, and weaving 3/a" to 11/z" limbs and poles between
them like you'd weave a basket so the walls of the trench were solid wood.
We'd found a gold mine! I pried out some poles and threw them out to Red
and he hauled them back to the barracks after the searchlight made its
pass by him. We then sneaked back into the barracks.
About every other night, Red
and I would sneak out of the barracks and I'd slip down into the trench
after the searchlight made its swing. I'd break out some limbs or poles
and throw them out to Red, as he timed his moves to avoid being seen by
the guard in the tower moving the searchlight. He'd make several trips
hauling them back to the barracks. Finally one night, when we were getting
our quota of limbs, I threw some out to a spot near the guard rail and
they made a noise as one hit the guard rail. The tower guard heard the
noise and suddenly swung the searchlight around and spotted Red.
A guard next to another barracks
then saw Red and took a shot at him and just missed giving him a permanent
part in his hair. As Red reached the corner of the barracks, I jumped out
of the trench and ran in the opposite direction. The guard heard me running
and turned around and emptied his Schmeisser Machine Pistol at me as I
dived behind another barracks. Luckily, his aim wasn't too good as he missed
me by at least ten feet. I sneaked around the barracks as he tried to follow
me and made it back to our barracks. When I met Red in the barracks, he
was shaking so badly that he couldn't talk. That stopped the wood gathering
for a while although we did go back for a few more trips when we were totally
desperate for fuel.
About this time, the German
honey wagon quit coming to pump out the abort (latrine), and it soon slowed
out the back end and gradually made a lake in our compound. It created
a horrible stench and a sanitation nightmare. Many of the prisoners, including
myself, came down with diarrhea, which only made the situation worse. It
became totally unbelievable - living in a lake of urine and defecated material.
We were in terrible shape. We had very little left to eat and since it
ran right through us, we didn't get much nourishment from it. We were getting
thinner and weaker daily. We knew that we couldn't hold out much longer.
On April 29, we heard cannon
fire off in the distance. That noon, a German SS officer came to our Goon
guards barracks and ordered the Goons out to help them fight the American
forces closing in on our camp. They refused because they were ready for
the war to end and wanted to surrender with the camp. He gave them ten
minutes to get out and when they did not appear, he pulled the pin on a
grenade and threw it into the barracks. It blew out the end of the barracks
and the rest of the guards came flying out the other end to go help fight.
Soon, we could hear shots
just down the road, followed by the sound of tanks coming. Suddenly, one
tank came into sight, turned and crashed through our front gate. An American
Lt. Colonel jumped out of the tank and was mobbed by the Kriegies. He was
the commander of the 119th Mobile Anti-Aircraft Battalion of the 14th Armored
Division.
He told us that we were liberated
and that they would stay there until some support troops arrived. Then
someone ran an American flag up the camp flag pole and everyone cheered.
We cheered even louder, when a truck load of bread showed up. The bread
was distributed, half a loaf to each Kriegie and I couldn't believe it
was bread. After eating the hard, dry, black German bread for a year and
half, the soft American bread tasted like cake. They soon brought in more
truckloads of "C" rations and we ate like kings. For the first time, we
had more than we could eat and didn't have to worry about our next meal.
We asked the tank crews where
General Patton was as we had heard that he was always up in front leading
his tank forces. They all laughed and a captain said, "The press may call
him 'Blood and Guts' but it's our blood and guts that get spilled. We haven't
seen him since we started this push from back at Metz, France."
They also said that the only
time they had seen him in a tank was when they were behind the lines and
there were a few photographers and reporters there for publicity shots.
Patton arrived in camp in an armored car the next day along with two congressmen
and a very large contingent of press and newsreel cameramen. They were
all there for a photo opportunity and the opportunity to claim that they
had liberated our prison camp.
When Patton saw that the tanks
had racks welded on the sides to hold sand bags, he became totally irate
and called the Lt. Colonel and his men a bunch of "yellow bellied sons
of bitches." He said "Don't you know that those sand bags will slow down
those tanks at least three miles per hour and I want them cut off immediately."
The captain said later "That shows that the general hasn't been anywhere
near the front for a long time because we welded those racks on back at
Metz. We need them because a German 88 mm shell will go right through our
tank turrets."
Several of the tank crews
said that they would kill Patton if they ever got the chance as everybody
hated the glory-seeking bastard. When I later heard that Patton had died
as a result of an "accident" in which a big truck ran over his jeep, there
was no way that I could believe that it was an accident which killed him.
Since we didn't know when
we would be hauled out of camp, and as we started to feel better after
two whole days with all the food that we could eat, some of us decided
to go see the countryside and follow the tanks going east, Five of us cut
a hole in the fence and took off for town. When we got to the railroad
sidings, we saw an unbelievable sight. The Russian prisoners had busted
out of camp and had found the tank car of alcohol jet fuel sitting on the
siding. They had opened the tap and had long lines of prisoners lined up
with their canteen cups drinking the wood alcohol. They were cheering and
yelling "Wodka." They spilled a lot fighting to get their cups filled and
I later heard that they had drained the car. Not a single Russian died,
at least not for several days, but many of them were pretty sick for two
or three days.
We found a car in the driveway
of the Burgomeister's house, so we liberated it by jumping the wires and
then drove out of town looking for the tank column. Everywhere along the
road there were signs of the battle. There were quite a few dead bodies
of SS Troopers and we stopped to search them for pistols for souvenirs.
We noticed from the F dog tags, that they all had French names. Later,
an American lieutenant told us that they were voluntary French SS Troopers
and that they were fighting to the bitter end. They had nothing to lose
because they would be shot if they ever got back to France.
We caught up with the rear
end of the tank column about the time we were running out of gas and the
tank crews filled up our tank. We tried to follow them across a pontoon
bridge but our axles hung up on the flanges of the metal road channels,
so a tank had to drag us across. As the tank column advanced, they stopped
every man in civilian clothes and asked for their I.D. cards. If they were
Gestapo or SS Troopers, they shot them.
We came up to a German armored
car that was burning fiercely. We stopped to look for pistols on the corpses
and saw that one of the corpses was still on fire. When we took a closer
look, we could see that his back had been blown open and that it was the
fat on his kidneys that was burning. After we had enough of the war, we
decided to see what we could scrounge in the countryside before we headed
back to camp. We turned off on a side road and came to a very small village
that the tanks had bypassed.
We found an outdoor beer garden
with an icehouse so we busted in the door. We found two dressed geese,
two cases of beer and some potatoes, carrots and rutabagas. Then we went
next door to a Gasthaus and searched it for more beer. All that we could
find was a case of Kummel, a liquor. None of us had ever heard of it but
it was alcohol.
As we took off for camp, we
each had a beer and it was cold and tasted great. Then we opened the Kummel.
It was awful. It had a strong taste of caraway seeds but we drank it anyway,
chasing it with the beer. We got back to the camp somehow but we were totally
bombed out. We soon got sick as a dog. You can't imagine how terrible it
is to puke up that caraway seed flavoring.
The next day, we cooked the
goose, carrots, potatoes and rutabagas into a big stew. It was the best
meal we'd had since being shot down and we even had American bread to go
with our stew.
The following day, we were told that we would
be moving out in a couple of hours so we packed and were ready to move
in short order. The army trucks arrived and we loaded up and were taken
to Landshut, where we spent the night in an old Wehrmacht fort. We were
put up in an old horse stall with straw and, from the looks of the fort,
it must have been built 400 or 500 years ago for some "knight in armor."
The next day, they took us
out to the Luftwaffe air base and we sat on a taxi strip waiting for our
plane. C-47's were landing and taking off in a stream when suddenly an
air raid siren sounded. Flying at parallel to the runway, on a downwind
leg, was a JU-87 Stuka dive bomber loaded with bombs. Everybody hit the
ground and waited to hear the bombs go off. Instead, when we looked up
we saw the JU-87 we landing and taxiing to a stop near us. The MP jeeps
swarmed around it and the pilot got out of his plane with his hands up
in the air. He of had flown in from one of the last German airfields that
was in operation in Czechoslovakia, and wanted to surrender.
We were finally loaded into
a C-47 and flown to Reims, France. From there, we took a train through
Paris, where we could see that iat the Eiffel tower was still standing
and that it had somehow escaped very much damage. Our final stop was at
Camp Lucky Strike near Abbeville. It was a replacement depot built just
after the Normandy me invasion and it was now being used as a debarkation
terminal.
The first thing they did was
send us through a delousing facility. up Except for our eyes, we were coated
with about an eighth inch of DDT powder, blown on us by two GIs with blowing
machines. If DDT could kill anyone, we should have died since we were even
breathing it. Then we got to take our first shower since we left Stalag
Luft III, about four months before. We finally got a whole new uniform
and shoes. No caps! We also got to eat a real meal in a mess hall with
ice cream for dessert.
We were told that we'd be
shipped back to the states in a convoy, because the Germans had some submarines
still out in the Atlantic. We were given a partial pay and could buy cigarettes
and toilet things in the PX. The next day I went through the infirmary
to have my big toe treated. It was the last spot of frostbite that still
hadn't quite healed. They weighed me while I was there and I weighed 146
pounds.
I'll never know how much I weighed when I was
liberated, since I had eaten pretty well for over a week before being weighed,
and had just drank a big, chocolate milkshake before I went to the infirmary.
I weighed 215 lb. when I was shot down and hadn't weighed 146 pounds since
I was in the seventh grade in school. They said there was nothing they
could do for my trenchmouth, except give me some strong mouthwash to use
frequently.
The next day, I was called
into an office and told that they wanted to make me a temporary company
executive officer, and that they wanted me to help take 100 enlisted former
prisoners of war back to the states. Now was the time that Red Cramer and
I were to part. We and had lived very closely for over 19 months and it
was tough parting with such a close friend. The last two months at Moosburg
had been particularly hard on him and I could see that he had gone downhill
pretty fast. After the German guard took a shot at him and tried to give
him a permanent part in his hair, he became much more nervous and depressed,
so I worried about him. I didn't get to see him again until December of
1945, when I stopped in Idaho Falls on my way to the air base in Rapid
City, SD. Even at that time, he still seemed to be having a tough time
adjusting to the world.
The next day, I reported to
a captain, who was to be the temporary company commander, and we had 100
GI ex-prisoners assigned to us. We lined them up and each gave his name,
rank and serial number, so we could make out a new service record for him
and give a partial pay of $100. After working for about an hour, I heard
the name Harry. Aspenwall and I looked up to instantly recognize a guy
that I hadn't seen since we were in the sixth grade together in East Berlin,
Conn., in 1932. He didn't recognize me but remembered my name. The odds
on us meeting there must be fantastic.
Two days later, we were hauled
to the dock at St. Valery and loaded on board a troopship. It was a former
Italian luxury liner named the Conte Grande and it had been captured at
the start of the war in Argentina. We headed out into the Atlantic with
several destroyers and a "Jeep" aircraft carrier. We never did see a German
submarine but we had a storm that the captain said was the worst one he'd
seen in several years.
The storm was so bad that
even the gyro stabilizers on our ship could not keep the ship from pitching
up and down so much that the propellers came out of the water, causing
the whole ship to vibrate.
The "Jeep" aircraft carrier next to our ship
pitched so violently that it took water over the front of the flight deck.
Then, as the ship pitched back, the water would run the length of the flight
deck and cascade off the stern like a waterfall. We couldn't imagine anyone
wanting to fly off one of those aircraft carriers.
Most of the ground troops
from the 1st Army that were with us on the troopship became terribly seasick
but most of us old fliers managed to avoid it and helped those poor guys
out.
After a week at sea, we pulled
into New York harbor in the early morning and, sure enough, there was the
good old Statue of Liberty. It looked great as we sailed very close to
it on our way to dock in the terminal in New Jersey. We were met by a lot
of Red Cross donut girls, who managed to kiss most of us, and we were put
on a train for Camp Kilmar. There, after getting rid of the 100 enlisted
men and their records which I had to carry back from France, the C.O. of
the depot told me that he would do me a favor and get me out of the army
and on my way home by that evening. I told him that he could do me a much
bigger favor by sending me to a hospital. I was then sent to Ft. Dix, where
I could be assigned to a hospital.
I then began almost a year
of hospital and temporary duty assignments. First, I was at Lovell General
Hospital in Ft. Devens, Mass., where they fixed my teeth and trenchmouth
as best they could. But they told me that I'd probably lose all of my teeth
within a few years due to the gum loss. However, with ordinary X-rays,
they couldn't find out what was still wrong with my back or what caused
the pain down my left leg. They decided to put me on "Temporary Limited
Duty" and ground me, so they sent me to Long Beach Air Base in California.
I was an assistant operations officer, and since they had too many officers
on base, I caught duty one day a month in operations and one day a month
as the Officer Of The Day. However, they did promote me to first lieutenant.
Then, I was accidentally put
back on active flying status and sent to Rapid City, South Dakota to fly
in a weather squadron. I protested that I shouldn't fly with a bad back
but they said they needed a navigator and I was it. They were doing meteorlogical
studies of thunderstorms. I flew one flight and it tossed me around so
violently that my back really acted up and I was back in the base hospital.
They soon transferred me to Carson General Hospital in Colorado Springs,
Colorado. Because, they were closing that hospital, they accidentally transferred
me to O'Rielly General Hospital in Springfield, Missouri, which was a plastic
surgery and neurological hospital.
There, I finally got to see
a neurosurgeon who asked me to describe the symptoms of my back problem.
After my description, he said he was sure of what my problem was but that
he wanted to do a myelogram to confirm it. After going through the tests,
he told me that I had a compressed vertabra with a hairline crack and two
herniated discs. He advised not operating if I could stand living with
the pain. I was given a medical retirement effective August 17, 1946, and
“My War” was over at last.
EPILOGUE
In February of 1989, I slipped
on the ice in front of the garage, and twisted my back while falling. The
fall aggravated my old wartime back injuries and my back pains became much
worse, as did the sciatic pain down my left leg. I finally decided that
it was time to see a neurosurgeon. I went to see Dr. Henry Gerber in Spokane,
who decided after viewing my CAT scan, that he could operate on my back
and give me some relief. However, he said that there was a bit of risk
involved.
On Aug. 7, 1989, almost 46
years after injuring my back, I was operated on. The doctor did a double
hemslaminectomy and also removed part of the back of lumbar vertebrae 5,
so that he could get up inside lumbar vertabrae 4 to cut out the bone and
calcium deposit pressing on the nerve.
The operation was successful.
Although I still have some back pain. I no longer have the sciatic pain
down my leg. I do have some numbness in my left leg due to permanent nerve
injury, but it is no problem to live with after being relieved of the sciatic
pain that I have lived with for so many years.
I had been recommended for
the award of a Purple Heart Medal shortly before I was medically retired
from the U.S. Army Air Corps at O'Rielly General Hospital in Springfield,
MO. Unfortunately, the paperwork reportedly ended up in the Federal Record
Center at St. Louis and burned in a fire that destroyed all the records.
After hearing in 1989 that duplicate records had been found in a basement
in the Pentagon, I wrote to the Air Force Personnel Office at Randolph
Field, and enclosed affidavits from Red Cramer and Ted Snyder verifying
my injuries. The Air Force responded that I had been approved for the award
of the Purple Heart Medal, and they would arrange to have it awarded at
a proper ceremony. I got a phone call from Fairchild Air Base in Spokane,
WA, stating I would receive the medal on Sept. 21, 1990, which was National
P.O.W./M.I.A. day.
On Friday. Sept. 21, 1990,
with my wife Phyllis, my daughter Pamela Craig, granddaughter Alyx Craig,
and grandson Brian Craig present, I was awarded the Purple Heart in a formal
Tatoo ceremony, with flybys by a C-135, a B-52, and a formation of T-37s
flying the "Missing Man Formation". When Colonel Arnold Weinman, Commander
of the 92nd Bomb Wing pinned on the medal, he said, "Congratulations, you
surely deserve the medal, but it's been a awfully long time coming."